Kettle Bell Karma – These Are Not Your Daddy’s Building Trades

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Recently on a Sunday morning I sat on the infield of the track at Piedmont High School. I was exhausted from a brutal kettle bell workout devised by our coach and master trainer Roy San Filippo. I had done 1 440-meter lap, 10 reps of plank push-ups and 40 reps of 35-pound kettle bell swings repeated three times in a span of a little over 17 minutes. I was the senior guy at age 63. The energy all flowed from the youth, one of who, my son Nelson, shamefully lapped me during the training routine.

I listened in on a fascinating exchange between Nelson and a journeywoman union electrician named Emily, a Taiwanese-American in the East Bay International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) Local 595. She was advising Nelson, a newly minted first year apprentice in the San Mateo local, on handling lay offs and lack of work. She told him, “When I get asked to sit at home I prefer to take the layoff and then I go back to the hall and sign up for work with a new company. I don’t wait around and hope that my present employer will call me back. My attitude is that I work for the Union not the Company, and I have learned the hard way that this is the best way to get work”.

The Business Manager of Emily’s local is Victor Uno, a Japanese American who as a young apprentice was initially barred entrance from a union meeting by the Sargent at Arms, who tore up his dues receipt, refusing him entry. When he finally was able to get into the meeting, a member commented “hey Fred, are we allowing Chinese in now?” Indeed we have come a long way from the Chinese Exclusion Act passed in 1882 and championed by the old American Federation of Labor and its leader Samuel Gompers. This was a measure that the barons of labor of the SF Building Trades Council supported and that Dennis Kearney, the mayor of SF on the Workingmen’s Party ticket fought for.

“We would be false to them and to ourselves and to the cause of unionism if we now accepted privileges for ourselves which are not accorded to them…” J.M Lizarras, 1903

Victor Uno gave me a great bit of history that dramatizes the conflict between class solidarity and race bigotry: “When the Japanese Mexican Labor Association tried to affiliate with the AFL in 1903, Gompers directed the union to bar Japanese and Chinese from membership. J.M Lizarras, the association’s Mexican President refused, stating: “We would be false to them and to ourselves and to the cause of unionism if we now accepted privileges for ourselves which are not accorded to them…We will refuse any kind of charter, except one which will wipe out race prejudices and recognize our fellow workers as being as good as ourselves.” Gompers never responded when Lizarras returned the AFL charter.”

My son’s IBEW apprentice class of 30 in San Mateo is majority people of color with 7 women. The SF Ironworkers have taken in over 100 Chinese workers as journeymen in order to deal with the growing non-union ironworker sector. What would Dennis Kearney say about that? The trades when I came into labor in 1972 were lily white and in my home City of Boston a new union of African American workers, United Community Construction Workers, was created to combat the exclusivity and racism of the construction unions. They would march on to all white job sites in Boston and shut down the project seeking a commitment to hire black construction workers.

Perhaps the most common image of the building trades emblazoned in the consciousness of young radicals like myself in the early seventies was of the mobilization of hard hats on May 8, 1970 to beat up peace protesters in lower Manhattan. The march was led by Peter J. Brennan of the New York City Building Trades Council, later to be appointed by Nixon to be US Labor Secretary. Almost 42 years later in March 2002 on the day that the bombs started falling on Baghdad as Bush initiated the war on Iraq, the California Labor Federation and State Building Trades opened their annual legislative conference at a hotel in Sacramento. The assembled leaders were abuzz with talk of the war. The speeches from the podium however were about workmen’s compensation reform and other dross labor matters. Then Bob Balgenorth, an IBEW member and the leader of the State Building Trades approached the dais. He launched into a stirring and memorable speech entitled, “Badges? We don’t need no stinking badges” in which he, denounced the impending criminal loss of life and treasure in Iraq. Here is a lengthy quote from Balgenorth’s speech:



“In a memorable scene from the classic western, Treasure of the Sierra Madre, Humphrey Bogart demands to know if the men about to rob him are bandits or lawmen as they claim. Their response is the famous, “We don’t need no stinking badges!”


Might makes right.


Bush will have his war, Congress will have to give him the $90-100 billion he demands for the cost of war. The billions to rebuild Iraq will add to that sum. And, underlying all of this is the current $400 billion deficit projected for this year alone.

We support our troops anywhere in the world in which they are in harm’s way. We pray for their safety particularly in Iraq and the hornet’s nest that will develop around that doomed region. In the turmoil that follows we can only hope the loss of life will be minimal. But wars have a strange habit of getting out of hand”

Balgenorth was so prescient. Some things indeed have changed. These are not your daddy’s building trades!!

The kettle bells wiped me out, but the conversation between Nelson and Emily rejuvenated me. I’ll be back for more.

About the author

Peter Olney

Peter Olney is retired Organizing Director of the ILWU. He has been a labor organizer for 50 years working for multiple unions before landing at the ILWU in 1997. For three years he was the Associate Director of the Institute for Labor and Employment at the University of California. With co-editor Glenn Perušek they have edited Labor Power and Strategy by John Womack Jr and available now from PM Press View all posts by Peter Olney →

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Let’s Get on a Measureable Path to The Social Contract

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“… there needs to be imagination”

We need a new indicator of economic success other than GDP.

We must change our thinking fundamentally: that GDP, or simply put, the aggregate growth of an economy is almost meaningless unless that growth is clearly defined in the context of democratic principles.

Let us measure GDP at home and abroad based on the path toward attainment of the social contract that achieves life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.  Let us build solutions to the issues of health, education, housing, employment, and retirement measureable by outcomes that equate to nothing short of the achievement of the full capacity of every child, woman, and man. 

To me the essence of organizing and social movement is that before there can be planning, strategizing, or even investment in change, there needs to be imagination, the ability to truly see a new place for people to create a peaceful and just society.  Indeed such a place requires new public policies, but the creation of such policies that actually result in transformed lives for people to be able to achieve their dreams first requires clarity about what the dream actually is. I think consensus can be achieved about the dream.   The means to get there is when we challenge ourselves with the facts.

Often people who want positive change complain that our nation lacks the constitutional commitments that exist in Europe and elsewhere that “guarantees” certain social and economic benefits to its citizens. We often complain that the struggle here in the U.S. is quite different. Perhaps.

I would suggest that such paradigms and constitutional mandates change over time…just look at the creation of the Eurozone and the current convulsions and threats to the economic security there. Sadly and predictably, all across Europe, even in what seem to be unlikely places such as Scandinavia are experiencing the rise of racist and fascist parties that are in large measure responses to Great Depression-era unemployment levels and dislocation. The social contract in Europe is under severe threat of falling apart. It will take much convulsion and reconciliation to arrive at up-to-date and workable solutions.

What about in the U.S.?

“Having won this race, all are complicit in both a major crime against humanity and against workers everywhere and here in the US.”

Let’s look at just how far off track we have gone:

In my view, a recent New York Times story in its way scratches the surface of these questions by detailing the misery this nation’s and others’ manufacturing, labor, and trade policies cause to so many.

On December 22, 2013, the New York Times provided a very important piece of research and journalism which explains what we already know:  the race to the bottom of wages and working conditions in the clothing industry has been won by the manufacturers, distributors, and purchasers of clothing world-wide.  Having won this race, all are complicit in both a major crime against humanity and against workers everywhere and here in the US. 

Sadly, but unfortunately all too consistent with what is wrong with our nation in its essence, is that the U.S. government spends about $1.5 billion directly aiding this aspect of the race to the bottom through direct purchases of clothing from the lowest wage and inhuman working condition manufacturers in the world.

The race to the bottom in the clothing industry has been underway for more than a century.

There is no telling just how far the cynicism and fear among workers here and abroad will go.  The nearly vertical direction of wealth flowing to the top 10%, 1%, .1%, and .01% both in the US and around the world by definition creates so much misery that the mind cannot really comprehend it. Yes, the race to the bottom has been going on for a long time.  And the cynicism and fear in the hearts and minds of workers everywhere stokes the passions of dangerous ideology.  Have we learned nothing from our past?

How much longer will we tolerate low wages and inhuman working conditions? 

And how much longer will we tolerate the self-fulfilling prophecy that people “want” low-cost items because they cannot afford more?  There is just too much data that we all know all too well that the race to the bottom is what capitalism has achieved.  It is time for all stakeholders to discuss and plan for a much different set of outcomes.

This should not be a radical idea.

We must have a vision of how to attain high quality health outcomes for all while achieving manageable and affordable costs.

“I believe there is a grand experiment that we can undertake: change our thinking about GDP in the health care sector.”

There is a different path:

Health care in the US has also been a race to the bottom. 20% of our GDP, that amorphous super macro measure of growth hides the race to the bottom in US healthcare: 50 million uninsured, with health costs being the single highest cause of personal bankruptcy, and for all of our highest in the world spending, the World Health Organization ranks the US 37th in the world in health care outcomes for its people.

A vision known as The Triple Aim summarizes a new vision, a realizable state of consensus in which 1.) each individual, and 2.) the population in aggregate achieves health, and in so doing, 3.) the cost to achieve health is substantially reduced.  There is a growing consensus among stakeholders in the healthcare sector of the economy that The Tripe Aim ought to be achieved. Obviously there are differences about how to get there…but the vision is demanding and actually quite specific in its intent. The Triple Aim demands that the 20% of GDP spent on health care be measured, improved, and substantially reduced.

We must have a vision of how to attain high quality health outcomes for all while achieving manageable and affordable costs. Our nearly $3 trillion annual spend in healthcare must be reduced if our economy and our people are to have money for other needs.

Through Medicare, Medicaid, the Federal Health Insurance programs, the Veteran’s Administration, and now the Affordable Care Act, we say as a people that care must be extended to all, care that is of the highest quality, highest safety, with gentle and caring patient experience. If actually achieved, care for all will become much less costly because health is maintained for everyone, not just for those who can afford care.

To accomplish this, we need systems thinking: the cost, safety, quality, and access to care requires a different delivery system of care and a different payment system that rewards outcomes as opposed to activity: outpatient and preventive care should be the emphasis, with clinics available near everyone; outpatient care must emphasize early childhood preventive care, including dental care and behavioral/mental health care. We need care that is based on popular education methods so that people learn to own their own health and understand their bodies.

There is a broad consensus that these transformations in health care would if implemented over time, save about $1 trillion of the $3 trillion annual spend. To achieve this outcome, we must start the investments in transformed health care thinking and delivery systems as soon as possible.

“Social dialogue must replace the politics and confrontation of self interest in all venues.”

All of these changes that must take place require a much different dialogue among practitioners, employers, employees, administrators, insurers, government, unions, and community stakeholders.  Inherent in the changed dialogue is a commitment to put self-interest aside, and plan change in a collaborative fashion based on measureable improvement and value creation.

Social dialogue must replace the politics and confrontation of self interest in all venues.

Health care transformation should be part of a broader social movement, part of an imagined, but real vision of the hopes and dreams of our people.

If everyone is covered by insurance, the “risk pool” is broadened and spreads the cost across the largest population, the healthy and the not healthy.  Since healthy people use the system less, the overall cost is reduced.  Emphasis on prevention and patient education is the key to success:  pre-natal care, teaching healthy eating/active living and pro-active management of chronic conditions like diabetes, heart ailments, asthma, and mental health saves money over the long haul.  All of these changes require investment in new infrastructures outside of hospitals and other large institutions which create new opportunity and new forms of employment. Payments to providers must be based on achieving these goals.

“We have seen the race to the bottom…”

Like anything else, a system that works requires management and regulation:  you cannot have utilities, transportation, or construction of buildings or housing without strict regulation and systems to ensure safety and service. Health care requires the same kind of planning. No more sacred cows!

Wholesale cuts in expenditures or services are not the answer. Clinicians and providers can only cut their own expenses so much, and these cuts will impact small group and individual practitioners and advantage large systems that can scale back costs through consolidation and volume. Such cuts will demoralize the workforce, which instead must be fully supported. It is the workforce that must be fully engaged to solve the problems of waste, error, efficiency, safety, and patient experience.

The Triple Aim envisions substantial reduction of the unsustainable amount of our nation spends and wastes on health care. Let the Triple Aim serve as a path to new thinking about a New New Deal:  a fundamental alteration of priorities with a vision to create high wage employment, reduction of military spending, advance universal health care, alter the tax codes, make pension plans a right, universal early childhood development a right, with a parallel emphasis on “employment transition”; that is, long term planning for skilling up for the jobs we will forecast for the future.

We have seen the race to the bottom in the clothing sector and in manufacturing. We have seen the race to the bottom in health care. What these tragic experiences have in common has been a reluctant but wrong acceptance that we cannot have prosperity for all and products and services for all.

And through it all we keep measuring our economy with something we call GDP.

Without measures of improvement in our people, we will continue to mask democracy with incomplete and amorphous data. The Triple Aim is inherently measureable, and should serve as a path to how we think about and measure our economic activity.

This is hard, but it is much harder and dangerous to have a society in which the basics are missing for so many.

Olney Odyssey

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To honor the memory of my great friend and comrade Jeff Stansbury, whose life took many of the same twists as my own, I plan to write a blog for The Stansbury Forum documenting the chapters in my own odyssey. I hope to touch on episodes and tales from my life, and the opinions I have developed based on that experience. And along the way, I look forward to hearing from others about the challenges our working class movement faces.

 

Trainer’s Table to the Bargaining Table #1

At the end of 2013 I retired as Organizing Director for the West Coast longshore union (ILWU). I put 16 years into the job, and it was the culmination of my 40 years as a labor organizer on the West Coast and in Massachusetts. Many times — and especially in my final years with the ILWU — I would find myself in dangerous situations and unusual places wondering, “How did I get here?” and “What a strange journey this has been!” A scab’s car would be speeding at me on a picket line, or I would be addressing a union meeting in the Mojave Desert, and I’d have to pinch myself and say, “You’re not in Andover any more.”

Andover is a small town 25 miles north of Boston. My family lived in the town, and I attended Phillips Andover Academy the most elite of elite prep schools, infamous for producing both Bush presidents and many captains of industry who, in turn, were usually descendants of captains of industry. I studied at Andover from the fall of ‘65 through my graduation in June of 1969.

In May of 1969, when the domestic uprising against the Vietnam War was at its height, some of my fellow students and I joined with local peace activists in town to protest the war. We handed out leaflets along the annual Memorial Day parade route, and I marched at the head of the parade carrying the American flag and wearing a peace symbol on my arm. Our actions created a huge stir. The local police were called out to surround City Hall in riot gear. Young townie Marines back from boot camp challenged us to physical fights, and the local Coffee Mill refused to serve peace protestors.

That was my coming out party as an anti-war activist. Back at school, the Dean of Students called me into his office after the parade to counsel me to be careful with whom I was associating.

Later that week the school’s sports trainer Al Coulthard was wrapping my ankle with athletic tape in preparation for a lacrosse game, and he offered some fatherly advice, “Pete, it’s good you like to protest the war, but don’t forget about the workers!” His remarks made no sense to me. What workers was he talking about? The most important workers in my life were the cafeteria employees in the student dining commons, and while I saw them daily I did not know their names and nothing of their lives. They were just there waiting to serve. Class wasn’t part of my lexicon.

Al’s words stuck with me however. I felt a deep affection for him because he had taken good care of me throughout my football and athletic career. When I got a “stinger” in my sophomore year, Al told me to do weight training to build up my shoulder and neck muscles so I wouldn’t experience the temporary lateral paralysis of a pinched nerve suffered upon a violent collision with an opposing football player.

In this time he told me stories about himself, his family– about riding in a truck and car convoy with his father during the Republic Steel massacre in Ohio in the 1930s. I was intrigued. Who was Al Coulthard and what was this working class thing? What were these unions he was talking about? Turns out that Al’s father was “Red” Coulthard, a Communist and the leader of the United Electrical Workers at the General Electric Lynn works giant turbine plant in Lynn, Massachusetts a few towns over on the north shore of the state. He was a labor leader who had fought to defend the left-led United Electrical Workers (UE) from the raids by the anti-communist International Union of Electrical Workers (IUE), a creation of the employers whose purpose was to raid and destroy the UE in the early fifties during the height of McCarthyism.

Al’s words resonated for me again later that spring when I was contacted by John Di Carlo, a local union carpenter from nearby Lawrence, Massachusetts. John had read about our anti-war protests in the local newspaper, and wanted to talk about working class politics and the need for radical change in America. This was a lot to think about for a young 18-year-old high school senior who had flirted with joining the Army if the draft came calling. But those were the times. Values and traditions were challenged and changed and people made life-altering decisions. I had begun my life’s odyssey, a journey that would take me from upper class suburbia to the mean streets of working class Boston, and ultimately to the labor movement in California and the West Coast.

“Sit down and shut the fuck up kid!”

Odysseys by nature include challenges and hard lessons and that summer I learned my first big lesson about working class politics in the United States. Invigorated by my reading of Marxism and heady discussions with other young radicals, I tried my hand at consciousness raising on my summer job after graduation from Andover. I worked as a janitor in the Charles River park apartments on upscale Storrow Drive in Boston, where it was my job to strip floors of their finish and then refinish and buff them.

My fellow workers were all guys from Southie, the traditional Irish American community of Boston. One evening during lunch the discussion turned to our low pay and lousy benefits. A couple of workers lamented the fact that the complex’s pet poodles were treated better than the cleaning help. I saw my opportunity to do a socialist exposure. I leapt up onto the lunchroom table and exclaimed, “The owners of these apartments treat us worse than the pets of their tenants. Our pay is pennies above minimum wage. You older guys have no pension. These abuses are the reason that we need socialism in America!”

Before I could step off the table, the lead janitor yelled, “Sit down and shut the fuck up kid!” After all who was I? I found out that I had no credibility to declaim on anything. I’d listened to Al Coutlhard because he was a constant and respected force in my life. But I had no such experience with my fellow janitors. They barely knew me, and we hadn’t bonded over common work place struggles. I had no street cred! An idealistic and naïve upper middle class kid had just been figuratively kicked in the teeth and taught a hard lesson about the working class. My education had begun.

 

In the next installment entitled, “Anne S. Bowman and the Unitarian Universalist Association,” how my grandmother’s search for a Sunday School led me to the barricades!

Thanks to Nelson Perez-Olney, Christina Perez, Lillian Rubin and Rand Wilson for reading drafts of this essay and offering invaluable editorial advice.

About the author

Peter Olney

Peter Olney is retired Organizing Director of the ILWU. He has been a labor organizer for 50 years working for multiple unions before landing at the ILWU in 1997. For three years he was the Associate Director of the Institute for Labor and Employment at the University of California. With co-editor Glenn Perušek they have edited Labor Power and Strategy by John Womack Jr and available now from PM Press View all posts by Peter Olney →

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1913 Massacre: 100 Hundred Years On

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Metro Detroiters gathered at Central United Methodist Church December 8 to observe the 100th anniversary of the historic strike by miners in Michigan’s Copper Country and to watch a new film on the Italian Hall disaster in which scores of miners’ children died.

The film, 1913 Massacre, deals both with the bitter eight-month strike and the children’s deaths during a Christmas Eve party where someone, perhaps a strikebreaker, gave a false cry of “fire” that led to a panicked rush to a narrow staircase where 73 people, 59 of them children, suffocated trying to leave.

The disaster shook the people of Calumet and surrounding communities in the copper-rich Keweenaw region of Michigan’s Upper Peninsula. A miles-long funeral procession took the small, white caskets for burial at Lake View Cemetery overlooking Lake Superior, where headstones today mark the tragedy.

By the time of the strike, over 7,000 miners had joined the Western Federation of Miners and had written to the Calumet and Hecla Mining Corporation for a meeting to discuss hours, wages, and working conditions. Miners worked 12-hour days six days a week and earned $3 a day. In 1912 alone, accidents caused an average of nearly one death and more than 12 serious injuries every week.

But mine owners ignored the miners’ appeal. Asked by a Congressional committee if he would negotiate wages with workers, Boston-based James McNaughton, president of C&H, said, “This is my pocketbook. It is mine. It would be foolish to arbitrate that question. I have decided it in my own mind.”

Miners picketed, rallied, and held parades to press their demands, and well known leaders like Mother Jones and Ella Reeves Bloor came to join them. After the Italian Hall disaster, many miners left town and within four months the strike drew to a close. Miners got a small wage increase and a reduction in working hours, but little else. It would not be until 1943 that they would win their first contract with the help of the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers union, later to become part of the Steel Workers. The last mine closed in 1968.

I knew something about the copper strike, having spent many summer vacations as a youth in Calumet, where my mother was born to Finnish immigrants who were farming on company land. Finns, Croats, Italians, Slovenes, Scots, and other immigrants made up a large part of the population and the workforce in the mines.

But it wasn’t until the late 1970s that I learned that our family had a connection to the Christmas Eve tragedy.

My uncle, Ted Taipalus, was visiting us in Detroit, and I had put on the phonograph a recording of Woody Guthrie’s ballad, “1913 Massacre,” based on the Italian Hall tragedy. To my surprise, Ted suddenly said, “I was there.” His father had been a striking miner, and he, then 10 years old, and his brothers and sisters had gone to the party along with other strikers’ children. While he and his brothers escaped death by going out a second-floor window, two little sisters, Ellen, 7, and Mildred, 5, were both caught in the staircase crush and died.

The piano played a slow funeral tune,
And the town was lit up by a cold Christmas moon,
The parents they cried and the miners they moaned,
“See what your greed for money has done.
” 1913 Massacre by Woody Guthrie © Copyright 1961 (renewed) by Woody Guthrie Publications, Inc.

The loss of the two young girls hurt his father terribly, Ted said. “He took me in his arms and cried like a baby. I had never seen my Dad cry before.” After the strike ended, Ted said, a mine boss came to his father and asked him to return to work. But so devastated was he from the loss of his daughters, he, like many miners, would never go back into the mines again.

Ted, who went on to join the Border Patrol on the Detroit River across from Canada during Prohibition, returned to Calumet in 1955.

“With my brother-in-law and others, I went to the Eagles Hall for a couple beers,” he recalled. “Someone suggested that we go upstairs to watch a dance that was going on. I took one look into that room and froze. I suddenly realized that it was the old Italian Hall and the stairs were where my sisters died. I had to get out of there. I never wanted to go back.”

The Italian Hall itself, on Seventh St. in Calumet, was demolished in 1984, a decision that many residents opposed. Today, visitors can learn about the tragedy at a peaceful memorial park on the site built with the help of the Steel Workers and Operating Engineers unions. The arched doorway to the fatal stairway remains, and plaques tell the story of the tragedy.

Last summer, hundreds of people of Finnish descent from throughout the U.S. and Canada gathered at the site for ceremonies during the national FinnFest to honor the memory of those who died. Government officials and a children’s choir from Finland participated in the ceremonies. At the nearby village hall, the names of each of the victims were displayed with flowers.

The National Park Service, which has designated the Keweenaw region as a National Historical Park, runs a visitors’ center in Calumet, and holds regular walking tours that end at the Italian Hall site.

 

The film 1913 Massacre is available on DVD for $25 at 1913 Massacre. And you can read more by clicking on the spring 2013 issue of “Looking Back, Moving Forward” under Labor History at the Michigan Labor History Society website

Activist’s Handbook: A Checklist For Change

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Randy Shaw’s Activist’s Handbook is a book with legs. First published in the early 1990s, it has now been updated as a guide to “winning social change” in the new millennium. If you’re a long distance runner in any U.S. social movement–or trying to figure out how to become one–this is the training manual for you and your team.

The appearance of a second edition from University of California Press has given the Bay Area author and community organizer a chance to expand upon the case studies he utilized in the initial edition, adding sections about protest activity not yet stirring two decades ago. The eclectic mix of older and new material makes the information and advice that Shaw dispenses even more useful to organizers of all types. His latest Handbook examines “new strategies, tactics, issues, and grassroots campaigns, and revisits whether activists have learned from past mistakes.”

The ground covered includes fights for better housing and tenant rights, neighborhood preservation and safer cities, affordable higher education, fair treatment of immigrants and AIDS victims, “sweat-free” manufacturing, gay and lesbian rights. The author also analyzes, in very ecumenical fashion, many different arenas for political work, including state and local ballot initiatives, legislative lobbying, running for office, direct action, litigation, and media campaigns.

One particularly helpful thread is Shaw’s exploration of how modern-day insurgents are utilizing “social media and other new tools to achieve their goals, and how new media can be best connected to traditional organizing and ‘old media’ strategies.” His chapters on “Winning More Than Coverage” and “Maximizing the Power of Online Activism” provide a thoughtful survey of how the PR terrain for public interest work has been transformed from its “pre-Internet days,” creating “enormous opportunities and formidable challenges.” Shaw reminds readers that “new-media tools do not change the activist rule that ‘media coverage alone is not enough.’” He warns against too much tinkering with a “YouTube video that few swing voters will see” or over-reliance on websites “that fail as a communication and mobilization vehicle” while “old school campaign tactics” are being neglected in the meantime.

TENDERLOIN ROOTS
Shaw is a lawyer (one of the good ones) and co-founder of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic. Launched when he was a law student, the thirty-three year old THC is now San Francisco’s leading provider of permanent housing for homeless single adults. From a small store-front operation, that dispensed advice to tenants, the group has grown to a unionized (SEIU-represented) staff of nearly 250. THCers administer a range of innovative programs and services, while continuing to struggle against neighborhood gentrification and joust, when needed, with local politicians and real estate developers. Shaw also operates a lively on-line alternative news source and blog called Beyond Chron, which covers books, politics, culture, community organizing, and other subjects of interest to left-leaning residents of the Bay Area and beyond. (In the interests of full disclosure, I should note that I am a Beyond Chron contributor on labor topics.)

Drawing on his personal experience with THC-related campaigns, Shaw tallies up, in fairly candid fashion, the successes and setbacks of advocates for the homeless nationally and locally. He also devotes an entire chapter, with wider application, to the question of whether lawyers are “allies or obstacles to social change?” With a telling anecdote from early in his career, Shaw illustrates the sometimes problematic role of legal advisers–and union officials as well–in settings where direct action is in the offing: “As the demonstration approached, I observed a renewed sense of vigor and excitement among the hotel tenants…I also learned that the legal- aid attorneys had called a tenants’ meeting for the night before the demonstration. Apparently, the hotel owner was once again appearing reasonable and was now interested in negotiating. The attorneys, who had kept their distance from the proposed demonstration, felt that holding the event would jeopardize the possibility of a negotiated settlement.”

Anyone who’s ever had the rug pulled out from under them and people they were organizing, in similar circumstances, will find the denouement of this story to be quite familiar. While lobbying successfully to cancel the street protest, legal aid staffers downplayed the fact “that the landlord had so far agreed to nothing,” plus had a history of “promising compromise, only to renege.” The cancellation of the planned demo, of course, proved deflating for the tenants. As Shaw observes, “they were again reduced to passive participation in the ongoing drama affecting their lives. They had lost a sense of personal empowerment and, more critically, a sense of unity.”

Throughout the new edition of his book, Shaw does a consistently good job of categorizing, in general, what works and what doesn’t and why. For example, in his dissection of the strengths and weaknesses of the “tactical activism” of Occupy Wall Street, he praises Occupiers, far and wide, for having “the audacity to launch a national debate about income inequality that still shapes public attitudes about the nation’s commitment to economic fairness and equal opportunity for all.” Yet, despite the enduring brilliance of Occupy’s framing of the problem (aka “the 1 percent versus the 99 percent”), the movement itself became bogged down, he believes, in a defensive crouch. “Occupy’s preoccupation with preserving its public encampments reflected its shift from a proactive approach.”

In Oakland, where OWS succeeded in promoting a “general strike” that brought 10,000 marchers into the streets in November, 2011, its organizational culture was not always sufficiently welcoming of non-full-time activists. “A process that required people to attend meetings deep into the night did not work for those with family responsibilities or other work commitments, “Shaw notes. “In fact, it skewed decision-making to a small segment of ‘the 99 percent’ that had time to attend hours of outdoor meetings on work nights.”

DREAM: CAMPAIGN VICTORY
One of the Handbook’s most compelling new case studies involves the successful organizing by young immigrants after Congress failed to legalize the status those who came to the U.S. as children and ended up in college or seeking jobs, but still without papers. According to Shaw, proponents of the DREAM Act did not give up after broader immigration reform efforts stalled. Even when legislation to address their own precarious legal situation was thwarted in the lame-duck session of the still Democrat-controlled Congress in late 2010, they did not despair either. Instead, they escalated their direct action campaign, based on the calculation that they “could still achieve something close to the DREAM Act by appealing to someone who was depending on Latino votes to secure his re-election: President Obama.”

In June, 2012, DREAM Activists began to conduct sit-ins in Obama campaign offices in more than a dozen cities. Their goal was an executive order that would end the deportation threat for DREAMers, even though the  risk of arrest greatly raised the stakes for those participating because they were now publicly revealing themselves to be undocumented. The “student activists willingness to adopt a ‘by all means necessary’ approach” had the desired effect on Obama. His administration unveiled a “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals” program that implemented much of the DREAM Act administratively. This new policy grants work permits and a two-year renewable right to stay in the country to an estimated one million “young undocumented immigrants who can now live openly and work in their chosen fields.”

According to Shaw, there is plenty of room for optimism about the future of grassroots organizing—and not just among audacious DREAMers. “Today’s activists feel more confident because the Internet has exposed a vast world of social change activism that traditional media gate-keepers once excluded.” He cites several examples of progress being made, even if the ultimate objective has yet to be achieved, under the Obama Administration at least. He believes the gay rights movement should take particular pride in going from “pushing Democratic presidential primary candidates to back state recognition of same sex ‘civil unions’ in 2004, to getting President Barack Obama to publicly endorse gay marriage only eight years later.” On the environmental front, “green activists transformed a ‘done deal’ to build the Keystone XL pipeline into a national grassroots campaign and a litmus test for the nation’s commitment to combating climate change.”

Shaw sums up the formula for “overcoming all obstacles” in any electoral season or under any national administration, Democrat or Republican, as follows: “Create proactive  agendas, establish fear-and-loathing relationships with elected officials, seek coalitions with ideologically diverse constituencies when necessary, strive to align the media with the cause, and understand how to use direct action and the courts” Most important of all, he reminds his readers “that neither politicians nor political parties are the prime movers for progressive change.”
 
With that checklist for change, and a wealth of accompanying detail about individual campaigns, there are few modern-day iterations of Saul Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals more instructive than Randy Shaw’s Activist’s Handbook. if you haven’t read Alinsky, consult his book first, then Shaw’s, and then, in response to all those urgent organizational appeals filling up your e-mail in-box, go out and “get active!”

 

 

Steve Early has been active in the labor movement since 1972. He is the author, most recently, of Save Our Unions: Dispatches From a Movement in Distress, from Monthly Review Press. He is currently working on a book about the impact of community organizing in Richmond, California. He can be reached at Lsupport@aol.com

About the author

Steve Early

Steve Early is a NewsGuild/CWA member who supports Sara Steffens’ campaign for CWA president. He is a former CWA staff member in New England and also served as Administrative Assistant to the Vice-President of CWA District One, the union’s largest region. He is the author of five books about labor and politics, including Save Our Unions: Dispatches from a Movement in Distress (MRP, 2013) which reports on efforts to revitalize CWA and other unions. He can be reached at Lsupport@aol.com View all posts by Steve Early →

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Some lessons from the Bay Area BART strike

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Introduction:
Our attempt at this article was inspired by a brief analysis of the BART strike by Maria Poblet of Causa Justicia/Just Cause. We agreed with much of her global view that the strike was conducted under the current neo liberal agenda in this country of dismantling public services, at the same time blaming the inadequacy of those services on the public workers and their unions. In this article we would like to not repeat or focus of these points but home in on what the union(s) could have done better under these conditions – in particular SEIU 1021 – because we are more familiar with that union through our direct work with them in the past.

Why all public workers need to learn from the BART strike:
After a strike or any labor struggle, union summations often focus on how vicious the management was and how one-sided the main-stream media was in their reporting of the strike. Both these points were true during the BART strike, but this is the basis of our first critique. Unions need to ask themselves what they could have done better, regardless of the trying conditions. By its opening strategy, the union leadership appeared not to have expected management’s intransigence or that the mainstream media would immediately, foment public sentiment against them. Why would this be a surprise to any public sector union heading into contract talks today? Didn’t they read the news reports about what had taken place to public sector workers in Wisconsin and Michigan? Closer to home, three years ago, in liberal San Francisco, SEIU and other public workers were attacked with a referendum to cut their pension and health care benefits. Although public sector unions fought this back, a two tier system was created and newly hired SEIU 1021 members have a longer vesting period, and all members now pay more into their pensions. This was done through a compromise referendum offered to the voters as an alternative to the more reactionary one. Only last year, San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee tried to decimate the lowest paid SEIU 1021 members, mostly women, by driving a wedge against comparable worth standards (equal pay for equal work) with male dominated classifications. The Mayor’s lay-off and furlough plan during the recession could have disproportionally fallen on women and minority members in classifications held by SEIU 1021. This unilateral move was stopped in court when a judge ruled that the mayor could not do this in the middle of a current contract and would have to wait until the contract reopens and bargain for this change. This may well be another fight deferred.

Public workers and reliance on politicians:
It is clear from the above that even the most liberal politicians and the leadership of the Democratic Party hierarchy have succumbed to the neo-liberal paradigm that public sector unions are to blame for deteriorating services and rising costs, including in mass transit. So who did SEIU appoint to lead the bargaining battle that would result in the BART strike? Josie Mooney, who served as Executive Director of the old SEIU 790 local in San Francisco before their merger into 1021. Mooney was an old school public sector union head who kept a regular table at one of San Francisco’s tonier restaurants near City Hall where she would meet political power brokers to get what she needed for her members, while returning coveted support for future electoral ambitions. SEIU 790 and 9 other locals in Northern California merged into one regional behemoth Local 1021 (now encompassing over 165 bargaining chapters and 54,000 members). Their BART members constitute only one of these chapters, albeit with one of the better contracts historically.

One of Mooney’s first acts after being rehired was to bring in her old ally, Mark Mosher (of Whitehurst/Mosher Media), on the campaign as a consultant. Mosher’s main work had been as a campaign consultant on most but not exclusively, Democratic Party campaigns. Most observers assumed his main worth was to get the legislators across the counties, who make up the Metropolitan Transit District governing BART, the state legislators and Governor Brown whom he and SEIU had helped elect, to support their cause, and push management into a reasonable and quick settlement. If this was his main worth, he failed miserably. Most legislators and Governor Brown read the political winds and either sided with management or did nothing at all, which amounted to the same thing, forcing SEIU and ATU into no option but to strike.

Where was the direct contact with the ridership and their constituents?
The leadership of 1021 did not prepare the public for the upcoming war. Mass transit riders were painted as collateral damage by the politicians and rather than blame management, most riders blamed the union. Why is this? If SEIU 1021 had done a sober organizing assessment of their members’ interactions and interface with the public including their own ridership they could have foreseen this outcome. Every public sector worker who goes on strike today must do this assessment. All public workers are being attacked today, but some have advantages the BART workers did not.

Police, firefighters, nurses and most teachers are generally looked at sympathetically by the public. Why? For one thing those we serve know us. They see us often when they are vulnerable and need something from our work. Our interface with the public is often direct and one on one. If they don’t have direct dealings with us, it is rare that a family member or friend has not. Even negative interactions are often off-set by the majority of positive ones and the most pro-management biased media cannot discount these inter-actions with our members.

How does the commuting public interact with BART workers? They don’t. One barely catches a glance of the train conductor as the trains speed into the stations and we jump on or off into the third, fourth or eighth car. There is no interaction with humans when paying our fares unless BART security officers are checking our passes, often an unpleasant experience. Even the maligned Muni bus drivers are more sympathetic because we often walk by them as we board the front of the bus. If we are regulars, we see the same drivers coming and going on the same route as our regular commute. We see can see them smile or frown and they are sources of information to new riders and lost tourist. We hear their voices as they tell passengers approaching stops and crowds to please move back to make way for new passengers, and we may even sympathize with their working conditions as we see bicyclists weave in and out of lanes, watch how they get stuck behind private Google buses and delivery trucks, double parked taxi’s and slam on their brakes for jay-walkers.

We have no idea what a BART conductor is doing or dealing with, the train just moves and stops. If management tells us it can all be done automatically by a computer program, we think maybe it can. We have no view of the conductor separated from the riders in his caged booth at the front of the train. Riders have even less knowledge of what mechanics, electrical techs, car cleaners or other workers do to keep the trains moving. These workers often labor in the middle of the night on the train tracks or in rail yards closed to the public. We have no idea how dirty, hard and dangerous their jobs are. We have no idea about the skills, training or education these workers have obtained through years both from BART and often before at technical colleges and other trade apprenticeships, before they crossed over to their BART jobs. Ironically an example of job safety reared its head when two strike breakers were killed during the strike while a train was on auto-pilot, exactly what management had wanted to do on a more routine basis in their proposed work rule changes.

“SEIU 1021 was aware of this history and public perception yet did not do the public education they needed to make their working conditions share common ground with the riding publics commuting conditions. This education should have commenced one full year before the start of bargaining. Better yet it should be done as a component of organizing their membership internally in a permanent program.”

The only contact the public has with a worker is with some of the BART station agents and this often is a negative experience because they seem to be the frontline bearer of bad news without any ability to fix problems. The toilet, escalator, elevator, change machine, ticket machine is out of order again; “sorry go to the other ones on the other side of the station”, seems to be their main message to most riders. They cannot dispense tickets, collect fares or make change yet are enforcers against gate jumpers, homeless squatters or just drunken sports fans who often take out any inconvenience on this sole BART employee they can see. Sadly, the second biggest safety issue on the table this year, besides the maintenance workers dealing with walking on the train tracks and dealing with the high voltage lethal third rail, is the lone BART station agent who has increasingly been assaulted by members of the riding public, who experience real or perceived slights from a transit system that over charges and under-serves them.

SEIU 1021 was aware of this history and public perception yet did not do the public education they needed to make their working conditions share common ground with the riding publics commuting conditions. This education should have commenced one full year before the start of bargaining. Better yet it should be done as a component of organizing their membership internally in a permanent program. Compare this with the California Nurses Association’s approach. CNA has been able to garner the most support in their campaigns when they have made the working conditions of registered nurses the quality care conditions of the patients left in their charge. The slogan “RN’s are patient advocates” was not an accidental slogan. They sent their member nurses out to talk at senior centers, community groups and anyone else that would listen about how hospital administrators cutting corners is not just about the nurses losing pay or working harder but forcing them to make mistakes, which they were unwilling to carry out, causing injury or death to their patients. CNA has worked on this for years and not just during contract bargaining and a large section of the public now believe this. In many polls on public perception of public workers registered nurses consistently ranked highest as most well liked and trusted. The only group with a higher ranking is firefighters.

Can we not imagine how different things may have played out in the media if BART employees were looked upon by the riding public as mass transit advocates? As advocates who wanted to build an efficient, safe, affordable, public alternative system of commuting to the grid-lock of private automobiles, and the privilege of the private Google buses that the 99% has no ability to ride on. Ironically this mantle is currently held by the President of the BART board of directors; Tom Radulovich, who took a hard line against the workers’ demands through much of the negotiations. He is the resident mass transit advocate and environmentalist. He has held this position for many years not only because he does believe in mass transit as an environmental option, but because the unions have conceded this mantle to him by not speaking out and claiming it for themselves. In another twist of irony the only person quoted against the new policy of allowing bicycles on BART trains at all hours was Antoinette Bryant, president of ATU 1555, representing the train conductors. She was cast as the dissenting voice against all the environmentalist and public transit advocates at the end of the strike.

In sum, one of the problems with ATU and SEIU’s public campaign was that they seemed not to have a vision of how to improve public transit or that they even cared about it. That how the BART system works was part of union’s vision too. We do not want to imply that health care workers or teachers have always paid attention to the concerns of those we serve, but we are getting better and our thoughts on how to make the systems we work under and the same system that serves the public has to be part of our discussion with the membership. Our contract demands including our working conditions must be related to what the public gets from us. A teacher’s working conditions are a student’s learning conditions is one of our union slogans, comparable to the one for the nurse’s mentioned.

Where was the media strategy?
More important, we need to have enough media savvy to bring our ideas to the public and the best people to do this is our working members. All during the strike the unions seemed not to have any communication strategy and the spokespeople who were paraded before the media seemed unprepared. Often the best quotes came from workers interviewed extemporaneously. There was no visible, planned, regular alternative outreach done directly to riders or what could have been a wider base of community support. Under this condition, the mainstream media’s bias was amplified.

Management became the spokespeople for the pain and suffering of the riding public during the strike. Many Democratic Party politicians and the mainstream media jumped on this bandwagon highlighting the inconvenience of the strike, overwhelmingly placing blame on the unions, subverting the recalcitrance of management which gave both ATU and SEIU no other option, forcing them to strike. SEIU did not do much educational outreach to their poorer union cousins in the private sector, who were often also part of their ridership. This was particularly disappointing because SEIU has a long history of good coalition work with community groups and collaboration with other unions and they could have easily done this, months in advance of the strike. With the funds they paid Mosher and Mooney they could have put tens of organizers and members on the ground to carry it out. Instead they went through the normal channels of strike support, from the Central Labor Councils and the California Labor Federation. These bodies are detached from working rank and file members, and sound bites from their leaders can’t be the only source of communication about a labor struggle, where direct sacrifice is required, in the cause of solidarity. In a last minute effort when the strike was already in full swing, some members of SEIU set up meetings with community groups through Jobs with Justice to discuss the issues of the strike with community members. This was a noble effort but too little, too late. If this outreach started earlier it would have spread beyond the usual suspects.

What Next?
The strike is now over and there’s a contract in place for a few years and it seems to be a fair contract, but came at a heavy cost; two dead workers and an unpopular strike. The worse thing the unions could do is to be lulled into inaction until the next contract. The war against public transit workers is still on. Management has already hinted about a fare increase and guess who the media and politicians will blame? Should we let the riders believe that a large fare increase, with no increase in service, is solely due to the SEIU/ATU getting a mildly decent contract? Politicians, with the backing of business and media are again clamoring for the prohibition of transit strikes, with no mention of binding mediation requirements to give the unions some impartiality, in top down changes. We hope that SEIU and ATU realizes that the war is not over and start retooling to deal with these attacks and mobilize all their public sector workers on constant alert. The attack to dismantle public sector services, including mass transit, has just started.

About the author

Warren Mar

He is a labor organizer and was long active as a member of Local 2 of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees Union (HERE). Before joining labor Warren Mar worked for a decade as a community organizer. He was the co-founder of two organizations which are still in existence today in SF Chinatown: Chinese Progressive Association (CPA) founded in 1973 and the Chinatown Youth Center (CYC) founded in 1969. He has served on the board of the CT Resource Center and helped organize , as an unpaid organizer, tenants at two Chinatown SRO’s. View all posts by Warren Mar →

Susan McDonough

Susan McDonough worked for SEIU Local 715 in Santa Clara County where she organized and represented public sector workers. She also worked at SEIU Local 790 before its merger into SEIU 1021. She was the primary organizer and representative of the BART chapter during contract bargaining in 2005. She is retired from the Alameda Labor Council, where she served as Community Services Director. View all posts by Susan McDonough →

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Next: A Tigers and A’s Toga Party?

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Is there an irony that baseball teams representing Detroit and Oakland—both cities poster children for economic decline—have played two decisive games in Oakland’s “Coliseum,” a name evocative of the grandeur that was the Roman Empire? Perhaps that’s not as strange as it at first seems.

The Roman Coliseum was completed in A.D. 80 by Emperor Titus, on the site once home to the palace of Emperor Nero (he of the fiddle-playing while Rome burned). Nero’s legacy was, as you might imagine, a past that stadium-planner Emperor Vespasian (Titus’ father) wanted to flush down the memory hole. So he arranged for the building of an edifice even more imposing than Nero’s palace. In the Coliseum, some 55,000 spectators might witness humans fighting one another, mock sea battles, or animal hunts. In the inaugural games, over 9,000 wild animals were slain.

The humans involved—both gladiators and many of the spectators—might well identify with today’s citizens of Detroit and Oakland. After all, these were Rome’s underprivileged: slaves and prisoners of war filled the gladiatorial ranks, while plebeians were encouraged to spectate lest they decide that time might be better spent in rebelling against Rome’s 1%.

Oakland’s O.co Coliseum (the name is a trademark of retailer Overstock.com) is home to both the Oakland Raiders football team and the Oakland Athletics baseball club. The field and stands are regularly reconfigured to suit the type of event scheduled—meaning that it can hold some 35,000 baseball fans and 53,000 football watchers. Completed in 1966, the Coliseum is one of the older American stadiums. And its location would not be likely to attract many Roman Emperors—the O.co Coliseum stands alongside the noisy and truck-laden Nimitz Freeway. Although the Coliseum has enjoyed many successes, including three World Series victories for the A’s and memorable concerts by the likes of Marvin Gaye and Led Zeppelin, it fell into disrepair quickly after its construction, earning it the unflattering nickname of the Oakland Mausoleum. Today, in the words of one local columnist, the O.co Coliseum is “a concrete husk with few amenities and zero charm, a place most famous this year for the overflowing of its dugout toilets.”

The players on all the sports teams involved are the usual collection of healthy, young multimillionaires. But just who are the fans? Lots are ordinary folks, but among the followers of the bad-boy Oakland Raiders are gangsta wannabes who like to sport the club’s Long-John-Silver-in-a-football-helmet coat of arms. Rebels without a cause might gravitate to both the Raiders and the A’s owing to the rambunctiousness of former owners Al Davis and Charlie Finley, respectively. Davis repeatedly sued the National Football League; Finley wanted to use orange baseballs and once hired future rapper M.C. Hammer to be his club’s executive vice president. The A’s also enjoy a certain amount of geek-appeal, a residual effect of their early-2000s association with smarter-than-the-average-statistician “sabermetrics” expert Billy Beane, celebrated for his ability to recruit under appreciated ballplayers.

Detroit’s fans tend to be a more reserved lot. When Boston’s mayor said he’d like to visit Detroit in order to “blow the place up,” most Detroiters seemed to take the remark in stride. “Well, we do need a fresh start,” one Tigers fan remarked.

Meanwhile, the cities themselves continue to rot. In Oakland, the unemployment rate this year has hovered near 12%, twice that of San Francisco. Your chances of experiencing violent crime in Oakland are double that of New York City. Detroit, of course, famously declared bankruptcy in mid-July. That city has come to epitomize urban blight: Just take a look at such recent documentaries as Detropia or the Motown scenes in Searching for Sugarman. One of the brightest ideas there seems to involve turning blighted urban spaces back into farmland.

Altogether, it’s enough to make one wonder just what Nero might say. (We’re talking about a man who had his mother executed and who burned Christians in his garden as a source of light.) Maybe—two thumbs up?

About the author

Hardy Green

Hardy Green is the author of The Company Town: The Industrial Edens and Satanic Mills That Shaped the American Economy and On Strike at Hormel. His writing has appeared in Business Week, Reuters.com, Fortune, Bloomberg Echoes, The Boston Globe, the French newsmagazine Le Point, and The Oxford University Press Encyclopedia of American History. His blog can be found at: www.hardygreen.com View all posts by Hardy Green →

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Retirement

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Retirement
Is it in fact a change of tires?
Front and rear
Replacing the balding spots
With new tread
Pumping in fresh air
To get a better grip on the road ahead
Getting ready for some bumps
And preparing to gently apply the brakes?

Or, more bluntly
Retire
As in re-tired
Tired again
More tired
Or just plain tired

The gentle slowing down
Of mind and body
And mission
Looking back not forward
To the good old days
Loosening the thread
Reflecting on what was
And could have been
Breathing deeply and channeling sadness
Resting the body
Peeking gradually into the darkness?

Or perhaps a more dialectical view
A life lived
A new one emerging
The end approaching
As it always has
With no date certain
No known final curtain.

Here the bell tolls
But the phone doesn’t ring incessantly
The emails don’t intrude obsessively
The mind sheds the many tasks
For the few

The daily churn of meetings
And greetings
Constant revisions and decisions
The swirl of people
Good, bad and ugly
All this is let go
Passed on
Left behind

But then, can one imagine
A new roaring lion emerging
Unleashing a passion of righteous fury
A project so intense
It absorbs the quite enormous energies
Of one whose tires have bumped up against
Many curbs
Testing many proverbs
In unfamiliar territory

What if one gigantic session on life
Broke through the sadness and frustration
And new vistas were revealed
Magic with electricity and zest
With all the pizzazz
Of Jazz that rhymed
And raged
And the body and mind and spirit
Wheeled off into the sunrise

What about that?

Gene Bruskin
August 7, 2011

Raising Expectations

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The result is many unions today are operating as ghost ships…

In the face of the kind of anti-union terrorism practiced by corporate America, there is no substitute for face-to-face peer reinforcement organizing

 

Raising Expectations (and Raising Hell) My Decade Fighting for the Labor Movement
By Jane McAlevey with Bob Ostertag Verso Books 2012

Raising Expectations has been a controversial book on the labor left. Much of that criticism flows from the fact that this book covers some of the controversial history of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU).

SEIU positioned itself as one of America’s most dynamic unions in the late 1980’s by being willing to throw massive resources into large scale organizing campaigns, most notably the Justice for Janitors initiative, which successfully reorganized and organized a largely Latino immigrant janitorial workforce in many of the country’s largest commercial office building markets.

A disclosure note; I had the privilege of working on this campaign in the early nineties in Los Angeles where I was able to see the campaign’s strengths and weaknesses, that have since come home to roost. SEIU has been severely weakened by its overreaching arrogance in trusteeing its large California statewide health care Local 250 in 2009. Since then, Andy Stern, the mercurial former SEIU President, has left the union for the Board of Directors of a big Pharma company, and his hand-picked leader of the California home care workers union, Tyrone Freeman, is heading to prison after being convicted of massive corruption.

McAlevey is unsparing in her criticism of various factions in SEIU’s internal wars. It would take a whole issue of Social Policy, and a far more rigorous historian than I, to unravel all the SEIU history and subplots described in Raising Expectations. In this review, I will focus on two important contributions in McAlevey’s autobiographical work: her account of contemporary union organizing challenges and her emphasis on “whole worker organizing,” an approach I agree is necessary to help move the US labor movement out of its doldrums.

Organizing in Right to Work Nevada

A fitting moment for the publication of McAlevey’s bold recounting of her 10 years of hell raising on various US labor fronts was the Michigan legislature’s decision late in 2012 to make the birthplace of the United Auto Workers a “right to work” state. “Right to work” means that membership in the union can no longer be a condition of employment. Now there are 24 so-called “right to work” states in the USA. “Right to work” severely weakens unions, in part because unions have stopped talking and relating to their members on a daily basis. The anti-union princes of darkness have found a point of vulnerability in labor: our reliance on compulsory membership and dues check off. In non “right-to-work” states, membership and monthly dues payments may be a compulsory condition of employment. A union leader need not even talk to members to sustain the resources they provide. The result is many unions today are operating as ghost ships, financed with automatic dues payments but functioning with little connection and involvement from their membership. This leaves unions incredibly vulnerable; they’re unable to motivate members to organize nearby non-union workers; members are susceptible to reactionary political appeals, including decertification and “right-to-work” appeals from employer fronts.

The good news, as illustrated by McAlevey and others, is that some very strong union locals do get built in US “right to work” states because member participation is necessary to sustain the operation of the local. Members can’t be ignored, because without their dues the rent won’t be paid along with salaries of the union local’s leaders. The biggest chunk of McAlevey’s story is devoted to her work revitalizing the once dormant Service Employees International Union Local 1107 in “right to work” Nevada. Ten of the twelve chapters in her book tell the story of public and private sector organizing among health care workers in Clark County. These chapters are rich in detail and very evocative for any organizer who has experienced the highs and lows that McAlevey describes. She makes excellent observations on how to identify and develop leaders in the work force, how to move a large group of workers to action by escalating tactics that build their confidence, and how to tear down the invincibility of the boss. All this organizing, whether private sector hospital drives or contract campaigns in the public sector, shares the commonality of the need to engage with the existing members and ensure that they are signed on for the mission at hand. This involves the fundamentals of relational organizing; one on ones and deep worker contact. “Face book” and “open source organizing,” being recently touted as a new and more modern way to organize workers at WalMart, just don’t compare. In the face of the kind of anti-union terrorism practiced by corporate America, there is no substitute for face-to-face peer reinforcement organizing. In the four-year period that McAlevey describes, Local 1107 was able to achieve a membership level of over 70% in a right to work state. That high percentage of voluntary membership is a tribute to the intensive one on one work of McAlevey and her organizers.

“Whole Worker” Organizing

In describing a multi union AFL-CIO campaign to organize un-organized workers in Stamford, Connecticut, McAlevey points out “We found that it was actually important to replace community/labor with workplace/non-workplace in the everyday speech of our organizers and to talk about organizing whole workers.” What McAlevey highlights here is that those labor unions that are really in tune with the needs of their base can be powerful community organizations. They have softball leagues, turkey giveaways in the community, and countless other activities that stretch far beyond bargaining labor contracts. Many labor unions are more community rooted than many self described “community organizations” which are often funded almost entirely by foundations financed by liberal capitalists. But McAlevey went a step further and challenged the unions who were part of the AFL-CIO’s Stamford Organizing Project to engage in non-workplace struggles; what she calls “whole worker” struggles. She insisted that the Stamford Project make its first organizing drive a battle to save a public housing project inhabited by many members of the Service Employees local a battle they later won. It was a brilliant move that laid the basis for later victories in Stamford area workplaces. The unions won the confidence of workers by fighting for their immediate needs for affordable housing. With that victory and those lessons learned, facing employers became a lot easier.

The Long Haul

McAlevey’s book chronicles ten very rich years of hell raising, but she herself has moved on. She describes her own burnout and that of her fellow organizers, all brilliant young people who made contributions, but then moved on to other venues and in many cases other careers. These organizers are paid by the treasuries of national unions based in Washington, DC and have no real ongoing organic connection to the workers they are organizing.

Many other critics, including McAlevey, have cited this approach as a serious weakness that plagues modern union organizing, because young, outside organizers with little or no work experience have so little credibility with workers. This weakness is another symptom of the disconnected and disengaged membership in many unions that frequently hire successive waves of recent college graduates to work as organizers or business agents instead of developing leadership from among the union’s own ranks.

In her Epilogue, McAlevey notes that the two major social movements of the twentieth century, civil rights and labor, both got important resources from institutions that contributed leadership over the long haul; the Black church and the Communist Party respectively. “In both movements (Civil rights and labor) there were divisions within the institutional leadership over how much deep organizing to tolerate, but enough political space was created for a long enough period of time that the victories won are either still intact today or stood many decades before finally being torn down.” It took Harry Bridges and his band of left-wing agitators 20 years to build enough strength on the Pacific waterfront to ignite the general maritime strike in 1934 that led to a West Coast dockworkers union that is today’s ILWU. The International Longshore and Warehouse Union survives and prospers to this day because of the legacy of the Communist and labor left that McAlevey points to. Permanent revitalization of working class movements will require a similar long term and organic commitment of people and modern day institutions that have the roots and organic ties that McAlevey references in the Epilogue.

This last point raises an internal conflict within McAlevey’s account. Union organizing today is an extremely frustrating and difficult process, one that requires an ongoing commitment with plenty of reflection and critical thinking. Most successful organizers have invested decades of work to hone their craft and learn many painful lessons. But McAlevey has left union organizing work behind in favor of an academic endeavor. Since I did the same thing at one point, I can appreciate her decision, but I also hope she will consider resuming her organizing work at some point, because the long-term commitment is so essential.

“Raising Expectations” presents a vivid picture of life in the labor trenches. For those who have shared that experience it is a worthy read that will resonate on many levels. And for the uninitiated, it paints a graphic and compelling picture of the challenges facing U.S. organizers in the 21st century.

Peter Olney

Privilege

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I didn’t cry.
I kept it together,
They talked about class/social status,
I bit my tongue.
They talked about their privileges,
Their disadvantages,
It made me want to scream.
I kept my mouth shut.
It’s not our fault,
We are dealt the hand that Life gave us,
And with that we do what we can.
I don’t want to hear your pity,
Your guilt or your sorrow.
I don’t want to feel your pain.
I get sick just by listening to their guilt.
Their guilt means nothing to me,
They still have every advantage that I don’t.
They get to go back to their precious lives,
While I go back to struggling for money for mine
All they have to do is look in their bank account, and it’s there
While I stay up all night trying to figure out how my family is going to get through the week.
They say they understand their privilege,
But the truth is that they don’t.
They don’t understand the power that money has over someone,
They don’t understand what money means.
Money is security, a safe place to sleep,
It’s food on the table, a stable home,
A warm bed,
It’s the toys we never had as children,
The nice house we never got to live in,
It’s our own bed’s that we didn’t get to have.
Money is opportunity,
The chance to travel,
to see the world that we so desperately yearn for.
It’s seeing our parents happy,
Instead of crying,
stressful,
And depressed.
Money is education,
An education that we all deserve to have
But that we so rarely receive.
They complain that they have so much, and they wish they could share it.
I’m tired of listening to their complaints,
I don’t want to hear them talk,
I want to see their actions,
I want to see things done.

About the author

Ivette Morales

I am 18 years old and a freshman at Saint Mary's College. I grew up in Sacramento, CA and lived in Austin, Texas for 2 years. I am Mexican and Salvadorian, from a big family with very young parents. I grew up in a working class family. I'm catholic and my faith is a big part of my life. I'm a writer, actress, singer, dancer, and I love to perform. I am a peer facilitator, which means I help students talk about difficult topics.  I love to talk to people.  My favorite color is blue because it's the color of the ocean. I adore the ocean; I collect sea shells and rocks. I have a weird fascination with everything Irish, and I plan on studying literature in Ireland next year. I hope one day to be an established author and a director who turns my books into movies. View all posts by Ivette Morales →

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