The Democrats’ Death Wish?
By Les Leopold
The New York Times recently released a report showing what we already know – the Democrats are in decline as more voters now register as Republicans or Independents. This is especially the case for young voters.
It’s not hard to figure out why. Just ask yourself this simple question: What is the Democratic Party vision for our country? What message of economic justice do they have for working people who have suffered mass layoffs and job insecurity in recent years and are finding themselves left behind? What is their plan to help hard-working undocumented immigrants secure citizenship? How will they keep the wealth of the nation from gushing to the top one-tenth of the one percent?
Epstein!
That seems to be the current plan. The Democrats believe they can gain ground against Trump by forcing the release of the Epstein files. Supposedly this will split Trump from his conspiratorial base.
But what’s the chance of that helping the Democrats attract more registrants and votes?
Zilch.
And how about those record-breaking congressional speeches? Can anyone recall anything Corey Booker said during his 24 hours and 18 minutes on the Senate floor, or what Hakeem Jeffries said during his 8 hours and 44 minutes on the House floor? I sure can’t, and I suspect neither can those leaving the Democratic Party. Historic marathon elocution is surely an improvement on Biden’s difficulties forming sentences, but does it even attempt to put forth a vision for secure jobs and incomes for working people?
The Democratic Party establishment is so fearful of “moving to the left” (meaning they do not want to attack the interests of their wealthy donors) they are having a tough time supporting Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic mayoral candidate in New York City, who is breathing new life into the party with a progressive and popular appeal to regular people and their economic concerns. How can party elites not support the man who won the Democratic primary and is leading in the general election?
If the party isn’t rallying around a bright new face with a knack for pitching attractive economic policies, please tell me why new voters should register as Democrats?
The Democrats have become conservatives. They want to protect the way things were from the Trump wrecking ball. And in many cases, they are on point. There are good reasons to protect public programs from drastic cuts, protect badly needed public servants from wasteful layoffs, stop cruel and unlawful deportations of immigrants, and save critically important programs like Medicaid.
But the Democrats also want to preserve the financialized Wall Street-driven economy that has moved wealth from working people into the hands of the few. They want to attract, not repel, donations from the wealthy. As a result, they have little to say to the working people who have lost their jobs due to private equity buyouts, mergers and stock buybacks. After all, stopping that Wall Street gravy train would certainly piss off their doners. In short, they have no vision for a world in which working people, rather than their bosses, are front and center.
It is particularly disheartening to watch the Democrats all but abandon hard-working immigrants who are being deported rather than being moved into citizenship. As I’ve written before here and here, 63 percent of the voters in Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin support, “granting legal status to all illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for at least three years and have not been convicted of felony crimes.” Only 34 percent are opposed.
How did the multitude of millionaire Democratic pollsters and consultants miss this? Oh, they saw it, but it would be too risky to defy Trump on this, they have no doubt warned party leaders.
Many of my friends and colleagues, nevertheless, truly believe that the Democratic Party can come to its senses and once again appeal to the economic needs of working people. If only we show them enough data about how attractive progressive populism is, they will put out powerful messages about halting mass layoffs and curbing corporate power.
But that is unlikely to happen for two key reasons. First, most of the party leadership doesn’t believe in those messages. They don’t think we should interfere with corporate decision making, and they don’t want to put out messages that will offend the donor class. In fact, they see nothing wrong with economic inequality and have no desire even to refrain from trading their stocks and bonds while in office.
The second reason is that even if they give up on the Epstein messaging and instead promote progressive populism, few voters will believe the Democrats are for real. It’s too late. Forty years of kissing Wall Street ass cannot be undone by a PR campaign. As our Rust Belt survey will show when it is fully released, the vast majority of voters, including Democrats, don’t trust the Democratic Party to deliver, even when they say the right things.
So, I’m trying to convince my friends and colleagues that it’s time for a new party of working people totally independent of the Democrats. It’s precisely what Rust Belt voters want. These poll findings have already been released:
In our YouGov survey of 3,000 voters in the Rust Belt States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin, 57 percent of the respondents supported a new political formation outside the two major parties. Only 19 percent opposed. This finding is especially notable because these voters were asked to support a very radical statement of anti-corporate populism.
Would you support a new organization, the Independent Workers Political Association, that would support working-class issues independent of both the Democratic and Republican parties?
Independent Workers Political Association would run and support independent political candidates committed to a platform that included:
■Stop big companies that receive tax dollars from laying off workers who pay taxes.
■Guarantee everyone who wants to work has a decent-paying job, and if the private sector can’t provide it, the government will
■Raise the minimum wage so every family can lead a decent life
■Stop drug company price-gouging and put price controls on food cartels
Every demographic group supported this proposal, led by 71 percent of Rust Belt voters less than 30 years of age, and 74 percent of those who feel very insecure about losing their job.
How about a new second party instead of third party?
I’m told repeatedly that third parties are impossible in America. The best they can do is spoil elections, as Ross Perot likely did for the Republicans in 1996, and Ralph Nader may have done for the Democrats in 2000.
But we’re not talking about a third party. We’re talking about a second party. In more than 130 congressional districts the Republican in 2024 won by 25 percent or more. There is no viable second party in these one-party districts. An independent working-class candidate could hardly do worse. These one-party districts are the crucibles where a new political association of working people can cut its teeth.
But wait – don’t we need to elect a Democratic Congress to tame Trump’s rampage? Sure. There’s no contradiction between supporting Democrats and building a new independent party of working people. The two should function in entirely different Congressional districts. Independent worker candidates should not run in purple areas where elections are close. They should run in one-party Republican districts and states, just like the labor candidate Dan Osborn is doing in Nebraska.
But building a new independent worker political association will be a heavy lift, and it will take time. Most importantly it will take commitment and the energy of young people fighting for a new way, rather than those of us who are running our final laps.
It’s time for a real second party of working people that is willing to turn trickle-down economics on its head. Working people, not Wall Street, should be the center of all economic policy. The people who do the vital work of this country need decent wages, universal health care, and protection against incessant job destruction.
If that seems like too much to ask, it’s only because long ago the Democrats stopped asking.
…
Labor Day 2025
By Len Shindel
Roosevelt wasn’t a fan of fawning. “It does not mean to stand by the president … It is unpatriotic not to tell the truth, whether about the president or anyone else.”
I know I wasn’t alone in my anger when I saw the banner of Donald Trump unfurled on the face of the U.S. Department of Labor. Secretary of Labor Lori Chavez-DeRemer encouraged fellow cabinet members to “see the president’s big, beautiful face on a banner,” celebrating him as the most “transformational president of the American worker, along with an American flag and President [Theodore] Roosevelt.”
After I calmed down, I contemplated the sick brilliance of whichever White House propagandist(s) conceived this banner. They know this president has: Gutted federal unions… Attacked the independence of the National Labor Relations Board… Fired the director of the Bureau of Labor Statistics for the crime of telling the truth… Decimated the regulation of health and safety in the workplace… Reversed the prior administration’s granting of overtime to federal contractors and undermined the enforcement of laws protecting workers and the right to organize. But see, that’s not all these sycophants and manipulators know. They also know that 68% of Americans approve of unions, including 90% of Democrats, 69% of independents and 41% of Republicans. And they know their “Big, Beautiful Bill” is unpopular even in some red regions because it will hurt millions of people the DOL is supposed to protect. So, the banner is really doing more than feeding one man’s narcissism. It’s a brazen, vulgar attempt to obliterate history. The very building it defiles was named in 1980 for Francis Perkins, the first woman to serve in a president’s cabinet. As FDR’s Secretary of Labor, Perkins helped implement Social Security, the first minimum wage, unemployment insurance, and many pieces of the New Deal. Francis Perkins was passionate about worker safety, having witnessed New York City’s 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist Factory Fire, where employer neglect killed 146 workers. She also defended the rights of immigrant workers to be free from illegal apprehensions. What a contrast she was to the groveling current secretary! During my own first days in the labor movement, I saw aggressive, young staffers from DOL challenging Bethlehem Steel’s racially discriminatory seniority systems, implementing changes that ended up benefiting all workers, black and white. Today, this proud history is being reversed or, in the current secretary’s words, “transformed.” I’m reminded of the words of Howard Zinn: “History is important. If you don’t know history, it is as if you were born yesterday. And if you were born yesterday, anybody up there in a position of power can tell you anything, and you have no way of checking up on it.”
Those of us who weren’t born yesterday, might also wonder how President Theodore Roosevelt would feel being paired with Trump on the wall of a building that was once charged with establishing a more level playing field between managers and workers. Roosevelt wasn’t a fan of fawning. He said, “Patriotism means to stand by the country. It does not mean to stand by the president … It is unpatriotic not to tell the truth, whether about the president or anyone else.”
The struggle continues. Happy Labor Day, friends.
…
Photos: Robert Gumpert
BETWEEN THE RIVERS: A Bernie Sanders Mountain State Tour
By Stewart Acuff

With the music pumpin’, the drums and bass bottom thumpin’, Senator Bernie Sanders strode onto the stage like a rock’n roll show in Wheeling’s historic and iconic country music venue, the Capitol Theater.
And the West Virginia progressive crowd went wild like the last time Johnny Cash played the Capitol.
Though the event was planned as a rally, it played like a town hall. Every time the Senator shouted a rhetorical question, the crowd roared the response.
As you might say of a concert of Tyler Childers or Molly Tuttle, the hall was electric.
Our fantastic activist Danielle Walker and Democratic leader and Senate candidate Zachary Shrewsbury and grassroots folks brought the crowd to its feet with passion and compassion, and Bernie took the podium, calling and naming the sins causing our common miseries and their corporate sponsors: punishing poverty, opioid crisis caused by Morrisey industry, the stealing of resources while exploiting our people, the insanity of MAGA.
Then he thundered the starting place for an agenda that serves the working class:
■ – National healthcare for all
■ – Paid family and medical leave
■ – Raise the minimum wage to at least $17 an hour
■ – Free daycare
■ – Free trade school and college education
■ – Huge housing investment
■ – Full, unabridged right for workers to freely organize unions,
work collectively and bargain collectively
It was Friday evening, Aug. 8, at the beginning of the Bernie Sanders “Fighting Oligarchy” Tour over two days.
As soon as the first rally was over but before the cheering stopped, my partner and I got our car quickly as possible to head for the next event four hours away in Mingo County and the town of Lenore.
We drove a couple hours and stopped at a place along the highway for the night. We ate Wendy’s in our room before crashing after the adrenaline, excitement and fervor finally wore down.
Sunday morning, Aug. 9 we were headed soon as we could to Lenore. We got turned around on the long way there and I had to back out over 100 yards out of a one way tunnel through a mountain.
But Lenore was worth it all.
The new Democratic County Executive Chairman is a young, brilliant political activist named Johnny Nick Hager. He told all the truths about Mingo County, southern West Virginia, deprivation of life in the coal fields and poverty in families who’ve never known enough.
No wonder Johnny Nick and his folks could turn out four or five hundred people.
Bernie really wanted to listen to folks, so it was town hall. It all involved Bernie listening. He would ask a question. And someone would answer. Then someone from the crowd would ask about some horror story about no clean water or leaking gas wells or no healthcare and Bernie would outline national solutions.
Like good West Virginia neighbors, the folks in Lenore offered a free barbecue dinner with baked beans and other fixings. They are very proud of their young, local boy made great leader, Hager.
As soon as the town hall ended, we hustled hard to Charleston’s Civic Center where a huge overflow room crowd of 3,000-plus standing room only closed by the fire marshal was already rocking to ground up, grassroots speakers.
Once again Shrewsbury introduced Senator Sanders who demonstrated his physical stamina along with his compassion for us regular folks and his passion for economic and political democracy with a speech that was still given with his serious powerful energy.
Those of us who followed Bernie and Shrewsbury over those two days know how hard they both worked and the energy they expended.
All 6,000-plus of us who attended any part of the “Fighting Oligarchy” tour saw our future in politics: energetic young folks and all ages, union folks, clergy and people of faith, civil rights and political and human rights activists, women and feminists, American patriots who still stand for democracy and freedom for all.
In the wake of Bernie’s tour, it is important in West Virginia and other rural red states to keep pushing against MAGA, resistance to Trump cultism and fascism.
We need to roll into 2026 and the midterms riding a social/political movement of human values that translate into democratic politics and bury the MAGA politics of division, injustice, hate, prejudice, white supremacy and racism.
We have security and a future to win for our children, our grandkids, our people, our state and our country.
…
BETWEEN THE RIVERS: A Bernie Sanders Mountain State Tour
was originally published in The Spirit of Jefferson Newspaper
Pushing MAGA Out: The Resistance Ramps Up”
By Max Elbaum
Zohran Mamdani wins big, outrage mounts at Israel’s genocide, and new projects take off, including One Million Rising and the Battleground Alliance PAC—all building momentum against MAGA’s drive toward authoritarian rule.
In my previous article,A Path to Pushing MAGA Out of Power, I offered a set of ideas about what is needed to block MAGA in a way that offers more than temporary relief from authoritarian rule. The goal is to put in place a new governing coalition in 2028 that will start on the road toward deep structural reform.
To achieve that we need to:
■ Build a powerful synergy of mass resistance and electoral work: scale up public protests, workplace actions, civil disobedience, and organized noncompliance to block MAGA attacks and defend democratic rights, including the right to elections that are at least minimally free and fair; and
■ Defeat MAGA candidates at all levels in the 2026 and 2028 elections so that an anti-MAGA coalition gains governing power at the federal level and increases its strength in blue, purple and red states.
■ Strengthen the progressive wing of the broad anti-MAGA coalition so it can:shape the politics of electoral campaigns against MAGA at all levels of government; Shape the politics of electoral campaigns against MAGA at all levels of government;
····shape the politics of electoral campaigns against MAGA at all levels of government;
····put its stamp on both the domestic and foreign policy of a post-MAGA federal government; and
····play the leading role in state-level governing coalitions in at least a few blue states while increasing its political weight in purple and red states. If we don’t gain this leverage and end up with a government that doesn’t deliver substantial change, MAGA will have an opening to come roaring back.
(A discussion guide for examining these points is available.)
New initiatives and Mamdani’s big win
An uptick in opposition to MAGA was already underway at the timeA Path to Pushing MAGA Out of Power was published (June 16, 2025). It showed in spontaneous as well as organized local actions against ICE kidnappings; enthusiastic crowds atAnti-Oligarchy events featuring Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and other prominent progressives; protests against US military aid to Israel and repression of the Palestine solidarity activists; organizing by the Federal Unionists Network; the nationwide Hands Off mobilization and then thehuge turnout at the No Kings demonstrations on June 14.
Since No Kings Day, the Trump administration has accelerated its full-spectrum effort to consolidate authoritarian rule. The Texas GOP’s move to follow Trump’s “advice” andsteal five House seats via racist gerrymandering, and the federal government taking over the DC police and deploying the National Guard in the nation’s capital are only the most blatant of their actions.
Fortunately, resistance momentum has accelerated in both numbers and militancy as well. For example,anti-ICE rapid responses have become larger and more sophisticated.MoveOn added its weight to the campaign to get young progressives to “Run for Something.” Trans rights were a special focus at Pride marches across the country, which generally displayed a “defiant stance” against MAGA efforts to roll back LGBTQ+ rights. Black and other anti-racist formations led the way in the nationwide Good Trouble Lives On actions on July 17, the five-year anniversary of SNCC leader and Congressman John Lewis’ death. A host of national organizing networks launched The Big Betrayal: How We Fight Forward initiative in response to the Big Ugly Bill with a mass call on July 30.
In response to the Texas gerrymander, a Fight the Trump Takeover National Day of Action saw protests in dozens of cities. Spontaneous protests by DC residents against the government’s move are being reported as this article is being written and denunciations of the move are coming in from across the country.
Amid the uptick in resistance, the new Battleground Alliance PAC and One Million Rising initiatives are aiming to scale up coordinated progressive action on both the electoral and non-electoral fronts. Meanwhile Zohran Mamdani’s shellacking of Andrew Cuomo to become the Democratic Party nominee for mayor of New York City has energized (and educated!) progressives nationwide by taking an approach that is both transformative and immensely popular. Mamdani’s win has had an especially important impact on the fight to move Palestinian rights central to the progressive agenda, making a big contribution to what is now a “dam has burst” moment, according to key Palestine solidarity fighters Yousef Munayyer and Mouin Rabbani.
Strategic non-cooperation and flipping the House
On July 16, Indivisible held the first mass call in its ambitious new initiative, “One Millon Rising: Strategic Non-Cooperation to Fight Authoritarianism.” Aiming to train one million people in the strategic logic and practice of non-cooperation, this effort draws from the work of the Horizons Project and others onhow civil resistance can undermine the pillars of authoritarian rule.
One Million Rising doesn’t intend to compete with or replace the many nonviolent resistance efforts already underway in communities across the country. Rather, organizers hope to tap the energy of the surge of new people being drawn to activism and to increase the scale, sophistication, and coordination of anti-authoritarian actions by orders of magnitude. The second and third mass calls also drew thousands of participants; recordings of each, as well asresources and action toolkits, can be found here.
On the electoral side, on the same day as the first One Million Rising call, a labor-backed coalition launched a major working-class effort to flip 35 or more House seats in the 2026 mid-terms. Initiating organizations of the Battleground Alliance PAC include the Service Employees International Union (SEIU); Communication Workers of America (CWA); Working Families Party; Planned Parenthood Votes; Indivisible; MoveOn; American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME); Peoples Action; and Popular Democracy in Action. Main Street Action has since joined the effort.
This $50 million effort will “target their efforts toward mobilizing voters who have been hit the hardest by the Republican agenda … parents who will lose healthcare for their kids, families struggling after [Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program] cuts, seniors not being able to afford their medication, people struggling with higher utility bills, and workers who’ve watched billionaires get tax breaks while their wages stay flat. They’re not just participating; they’re at the center of leading this effort to take back control and make their voices heard at the ballot box,” according to the PAC’s launch statement.
Like several other recent initiatives launched by social justice partisans (for example, The Medicaid Union and Standing for Democracy) and the upcoming Workers Over Billionaires Labor Day protests and Make Billionaires Pay actions sponsored by The Women’s March – Our Feminist Future, these efforts are focused on the fight against MAGA. They demonstrate with on-the-ground activity that progressives are the most combative sector of the anti-MAGA coalition and the most capable of engaging people alienated from mainstream politics. This is a crucial component of expanding the base and influence of progressive politics.
Another crucial component of our block and build work is direct contention with the centrist and pro-corporate wings of the anti-MAGA coalition whose main political vehicle is the establishment wing of the Democratic Party. On that front, the most dramatic breakthrough for the progressive movement and the US Left since at least 2020—Zohran Mamdani’s big win in New York City—models a path with tremendous strategic potential.
Mamdani shows how it’s done
Numerous assessments have been offered of how Mamdani pulled off his earthquake victory, and the resulting lessons for progressives and socialists across the country; among the best are Waleed Shahid’s piece in The Nation and Eric Blanc’s in Jacobin.
Shahid notes how the ground was prepared for Mamdani’s effort by a decade of organizing starting with Bernie Sanders’ 2016 campaign and continuing with the rise of New York City DSA and the Justice Democrats’ work to elect AOC and Jamaal Bowman. He stresses in this paradigm the rise of “a new kind of Muslim American politics—rooted in solidarity, visible in public, and grounded in power, not just presence.” Many of the details of that development, such as the deep community organizing done by Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM), DRUM Beats, and CAAAV-Organizing Asian Communities, are covered by Jasmine Gripper and Lena Pervez Afridi in the June 21 episode of Convergence’s Block & Build podcast, “How Zohran Won.”
Blanc summarizes many of the ingredients that Mamdani wove together into a winning campaign: a commitment to economic populism and laser focus on making New York City affordable; a “tireless ground game of 50,000 volunteers and the New York CityDemocratic Socialists of America (DSA) and other allied organizations;” a brilliant attention-grabbing social media campaign whose “secret sauce” was not primarily technical but “political: an authentic messenger armed with a compelling platform;” successfully building a left-liberal coalition largely via the cross-endorsement of Brad Lander; and crucial inroads into organized labor (with almost all the unions that endorsed Cuomo switching to Mamdani since the primary). Overall, Blanc argues:
Despite what his opponents claim, Zohran is not a dogmatic extremist but a radical pragmatist. He could not have gotten this far had he not focused on bread-and-butter economic issues, spoken in a commonsense language, ran as a Democrat, dropped his support for defunding the police, and endorsed Brad Lander. Zohran refused to drop his support for democratic socialism or his opposition to Zionist apartheid, but performative ultraleftism was anathema to this campaign.
There are few other places where political conditions and the broad Left’s level of development allow for duplicating Mamdani’s achievement. Even in New York City the fight with establishment Democrats is far from over, with all too many joining Republicans, Wall Street and real estate moguls, and apologists for Israeli genocide in a crusade to defeat Mamdani in November’s general election.
But the impact of Mamdani’s breakthrough win in the primary cannot be undone. Progressives and socialists across the country are wrestling with ways to apply the lessons of Mamdani’s experience to the specific conditions (including the level of development of the Left) in their localities. And the fight ahead in New York, even with all its dangers, has the potential to expand Mamdani’s base of support, build cooperation among unions that were on opposite sides in June, and yield even more lessons for the bitter contention within the Democratic Party that lies ahead.
A tectonic shift in support for Palestine
One thread from Mamdani’s campaign deserves special attention. Cuomo centered antisemitism in his attacks on Mamdani, trying to tar him with that label for terming Israeli actions a genocide and refusing to exempt Israel from his belief that only states in which all citizens have equal rights have a “right to exist.”
That Mamdani overcame this smear in the city with more Jews than any other except Tel Aviv marks a political earthquake. It demonstrates how much attitudes about Israel and Palestine are shifting—and in turn it has spurred them to shift further. Mamdani’s win shows that a pro-Palestine stance is not only morally just but politically forward-looking. A bombshell poll released by the Institute for Middle East Understanding Policy Project on July 29 reinforced the point. It showed that Mamdani’s pro-Palestinian rights stance was an important factor in his getting the votes of more than 60% of his supporters, and that among primary voters overall, 78% said Israel is committing genocide in Gaza and 79% supported restricting US weapon shipments to Israel. A poll by Zenith Research and Public Progress. Solutions shows Mamdani with a 17-point lead among New York Jewish voters going into the general election.
These New York results are part of a massive shift underway nationwide. A new Gallup poll shows support for Israeli dropping to unprecedented lows. Only 32% of all those polled support Israel’s military action in Gaza, and this only because 71% of Republicans do. Among Independents, support has dropped to 25% and among Democrats the figure is a mere 8%. For the first time, a majority of US people disapprove of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Especially striking is the breakdown by age. Among all respondents 18-34, only 6% have a favorable view of Netanyahu and 9% approve of Israel’s military actions in Gaza.
This long-overdue tectonic shift is already having an impact on the national discourse and politicians’ votes. Mainstream media coverage in the last week or two has started to use the term genocide without scare quotes and run stories explicitly blaming Israel for the human catastrophe in Gaza and contrasting Zionist values with liberal democratic ones. And a majority of Senate Democrats for the first time voted to support restricting arms sales to Israel.
It’s infuriating that it has taken so long to get to this point. But more importantly, it is a tribute to the work of all those who have participated in the movement for Palestinian rights, which has refused to bow to repression, slander, and racist and Islamophobic demonization. Now it is urgent to intensify that movement: to combine protest and education on a mass scale to stop the escalation in killing now being promised by the Israeli government and end every aspect of the genocide currently underway. And to go further by making defense of Palestinian human and national rights an integral part of the progressive action agenda, taking that stance into the 2026 and 2028 electoral campaigns, and fighting like hell for it to be a key component of the program of a post-MAGA government.
…
“Pushing MAGA Out: The Resistance Ramps Up” ran originally in Convergence Magazine.
What Follows A Stolen Election? Not Much!
By Mike Miller
Preface
“Not much” seems to be the answer to my question above. Bush Jr. and a friendly Supreme Court stole Florida from Al Gore, which gave Bush the Presidency. Richard Daley, Sr. and his Democrat and Republican counterparts in “machine” cities across the country used to steal elections regularly. Robert E. Caro’s impeccably researched biography of Lyndon Johnson details how LBJ stole his first Texas Senate race.
The evidence is abundant that Trump and his allies (Republican secretaries of state, majority Republican state legislatures and governors, the supreme court, vigilantes to intimidate people at polling places, etc) will seek to steal the ’26 election. In response, there are cries of outrage but no one has a contingency plan for action if, in fact, that theft becomes reality.
A contingency plan would say:
— If “A” (electoral victory by the center/left despite Trump, et al’s effort to steal the election), celebration and pursuit of a people’s agenda that Trump will veto leading to a strong movement for a “progressive” Democratic Party presidential nominee in 2028. (I see almost no evidence for this possibility.)
— If “B” (anticipated defeat becomes a reality that was anticipated and planned for so that our side isn’t off balance as a result of it). Defeat will make abundantly clear that our formal, Constitutional ELECTORAL, democracy IS NOT WORKING. That possibility was envisaged when the first Ten Amendments–the Bill of Rights–were fought for and won in 1791.
Such a plan would be made public now so that significant numbers of Americans can adopt as their own the out-of-the-box framework of non-electoral action to accomplish electoral purposes.
In fact, the threat of a tactic can be worse than its implementation. Let the MAGA forces ruminate on how to deal with it. The military might shoot demonstrators in public squares; it doesn’t know how to run street cars and buses, operate supermarkets or teach high school.
A Lesson from the Past
The pre-election drive for voter participation is now gaining momentum. What happens to momentum when it is defeated?
In 1964, the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) defeat at the national Democratic Party Convention was followed by disarray in “The Movement”: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee’s (SNCC’) collapse (except for Lowndes County) was irreversibly underway: individuals dropped out (drugs, alcohol, withdrawal, radical rhetoric, super-militancy). SNCC’s legendary Mississippi Project Director Bob Moses dramatically withdrew from SNCC, telling his comrades at a late ’64 staff meeting (I was there), “you can have ‘Moses’; I will from now on be ‘Parris’–adopting his mother’s maiden name.
MFDP Convention delegates returned to Mississippi and campaigned for the Lyndon Johnson/Hubert Humphrey ticket. They also adopted a January campaign targeted at the House seating of the newly elected Mississippi Congressmen because Blacks had been denied the right to vote. It had no chance of success.
In 1968, an integrated Mississippi Convention delegation was celebrated as a victory. It was a partial one. MFDP delegates constituted only one quarter of the them. MFDP’s 1964 program for radical economic reform (in addition to formal democratic reform) was omitted from the ‘68 state reform platform.
In retrospect, the 1964 Convention Challenge may have been a premature effort from the outset. Maybe it wouldn’t have ended in disaster if there had been a contingency plan based on the possible refusal to seat the MFDP delegation. A contingency plan might have lead to something else already adopted as an alternative strategy–and readied people for the possibility that defeat would take place. (When you anticipate a failure/defeat and have a strategy to respond to it, the result is not so devastating, and may even open new possibilities. For example, a union leadership might propose to the membership a contract agreement the leaders know will be defeated by the rank-and-file. That defeat is used to build unity behind a strike that can be won.)
Contingency Planning
There is now, as far as I can tell, no contingency plan for the ‘2026 national election being stolen. To meet after defeat and then plan a next step is not sufficient to anticipate and contain disillusionment that otherwise happens after major defeat—negativism, defeatism, factionalization, crazy militancy, dropping out and on-and-on.
Such a contingency plan could include non-electoral mass-based action that the people of the country wisely anticipated as a balance against political corruption, namely the Bill of Rights— adopted by three-fourths of the states by December, 1791.
For such a contingency plan to be put into operation the day after a stolen election requires widespread discussion of its potential necessity beginning yesterday. A center-left alliance against autocracy can now be created that would engage non-electoral political groups in voter education, (attempted) registration and get-out-the-vote action. That would require of “the left” that it participate in electoral activity that it might otherwise disdain.
The trade off for that participation would be pre-2026 election agreement by centrists on a strategy of mass disruption to bring the system to a halt until a new election or some equivalent is held. The non-electoral campaign’s central elements would be nonviolent direct action and economic action (general strikes that begin with 10 minute work stoppages and escalate, slowdowns, sick-outs, boycotts, etc until the election results are thrown out).
Success in persuading centrists to enter such an agreement in effect moves them away from their present compulsive centrism (as Texas Populist Jim Hightower put it, “There’s nothing in the middle of the road but a yellow stripe and dead armadillos.”) Failure to so persuade them makes self-evident their lack of an effective response to MAGA.
The Current Warnings Don’t Go Far Enough
In his New York Times Opinion piece (8/14/25), James Bouie writes, “for reasons of both personality and political ambition, Trump needs a crisis to govern — or rather, to rule. And if the actual conditions of reality will not give him a state of exception, he’ll create one himself.”
In the letter to supporters, “How does a man like this get elected,” Bernie Sanders writes, “[D]espite his horrific…policies, …Trump has become the ‘agent of ‘change’.”
So far, so good.
Sanders then lists the outrageous housing, health care, education, food system, income and wage, tax, foreign policy (he could have added climate change and environment) policies that are leading us to disaster, and proposes new directions in these and other areas.
So far, so good.
He asks, “[W]here do we go from here?…[W]e need to think big…But how?”
Not so good.
Having “courage to fight back” is not enough. He doesn’t tell us how he thinks we can do that.
The 8/13/25 Hartmann Report concludes, “Our best hope is that, when the crackdowns come, enough of us can mobilize [emphasis added] to bring about a rebooting of our democracy like average people did in South Korea last year as they restored democracy to that nation.”
“Mobilize” to do what?
Polls showing Trump’s declining voter support are irrelevant if the election is stolen and there is no plan to retrieve what was illegally taken.
Conclusion
Think outside the box. That’s what Trump and his allies have been doing. What many observers consider his irrationality is, in fact, the rational plan of a man and movement who/that recognizes tearing down the formal democratic system requires the activities in which they (including the Supreme Court) now engage.
It takes Trump about five minutes to make a statement that engenders an almost-endless response in mainstream and progressive media, from Democratic politicians, and from public interest groups. He moves on to his next outrage. His strategy is to stir chaos.
It is important to recognize that narcissists and otherwise mentally disturbed people can also think rationally about what we might understand as irrational ends. Assassins make careful plans to kill.
The time for action outside the electoral framework and inside the Bill of Rights framework is near; its possibility should be widely discussed now so that the broad base of support it requires can be built.
Postscript
Several concerns have been raised regarding what I wrote above. Below are the principal ones, and my responses.
1. My piece doesn’t respond to the actual time, place and conditions of our current political realities.
The present reality is that Trump and his allies are well on the way to stealing the 2026 election and as far as I can see there is no place in our formal political system to stop him: not Congress, not the Judiciary, and certainly not the Executive. Fighting on those battlegrounds is fighting on his turf.
2. Now’s the time to get out and work to defeat Trump and his allies.
I agree. We can chew gum and walk at the same time.
Without a contingency plan, sectarianism and/or withdrawal are the likely outcomes of defeat. I think 1964-1980 is filled with examples of that. Electoral victories were followed by elected politician betrayals of promises made during the election. The betrayals lead to disillusionment, especially because nothing independent of electoral politics was being built before, during and after voting.
Further, the identity politics agenda subordinated a majority rule/minority rights and economic justice program because the latter was overwhelmed by the former.
In the last 50-or-so years I’ve voted for lesser-of-two-evils Democrat (and some good ones too). I also spent most of my time trying to build community organizations that could shape politician’s platforms–like the civil rights movement did in its day, and enforce those platforms if endorsed politicians won elections. We lack those mechanisms for enforcement which, in turn, leads to the disillusionment that is expressed in the Trump vote.
To state my principal point in a different way, you have to have options, especially when the other side cheats. Those options are to be found in mass nonviolent disruptive action and in economic action like strikes, boycotts, slow-downs, sick outs, work-to-rule and other tactics. My favorite is general strikes beginning with widespread 10 minute work stoppages, and rapidly escalating to strikes that last hours, days or weeks until victory is won (or defeat certain).
If there isn’t a powerful, believable, option, a stolen election will be followed by the defeats our side underwent beginning in the mid-1960s. They were expressed in slogans like, “Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh…” or “Burn, Baby, Burn”; in activities like burning bras, draft cards and neighborhoods They contributed to the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan.
We have been on a slow, steady, painful, road to where we are now. Doing what we did, only better, isn’t sufficient to change and reverse directions. As Albert Einstein is reputed to have said, “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.”
That’s true even if the repeat performance is a better one.
…
Why Lelo Juarez Chose Self-Deportation
By David Bacon

Copyright David Bacon
When I spoke with Alfredo Juarez Zeferino, known as “Lelo,” while he was imprisoned in the Northwest Detention Center in Tacoma, Washington, he had to be very careful about what he said. Calls to detainees are monitored. “My freedom of speech here is very limited,” he warned me. Lelo had been held there since his detention in March, and I interviewed him in July.
Two weeks after our conversation Lelo agreed to “voluntary departure”-the term used by immigration authorities for self-deportation. In early August, by telephone from Santa Cruz Yucucani, his hometown in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero, he was able to describe the conditions in this enormous immigrant detention center, which today holds more than 1,500 people awaiting deportation.
“It’s a really terrible place,” Lelo told me. He said bad food was probably the worst problem: The Geo Group, a private corporation that runs the detention center, is supposed to provide three meals a day, but often the last meal would come at one or two in the morning. “The rice was hard, like it never touched hot water, and the beans were never cooked all the way,” Lelo said. “That was the main food they gave us. Chicken was so undercooked that sometimes it dripped blood, and people got sick during the night. One time everybody turned in their trays and we wouldn’t take the food.”
The second week he was there, Lelo started having vision problems because the lights were always on at night, making it hard to sleep. He signed up for the “sick call” list to get eye drops. “I waited a long time to see a doctor,” he recalled, “and finally an officer told us to go back to our unit. They only had one doctor, and we weren’t going to be seen. After that I didn’t sign up again, but other folks in my unit would wait hours and hours and still not get seen. I’d share an apple or something sweet for people who were diabetic. But day after day it was the same thing. Sign up and maybe tomorrow somebody will see you.”
The Tacoma immigrant detention center is run by the Geo Group, founded as a division of the Wackenhut Corporation, with ties to U.S. intelligence agencies going back to the Cold War. Since discovering in the 1980s the huge profits to be made in federal contracts, the company has become one of the two largest corporations running immigrant detention centers in the United States. Much of those profits are earned by keeping operating costs at a minimum; as a result Geo has been repeatedly charged with short staffing at the prisons it runs. “Geo does this on purpose to make it hard for folks, while maximizing their profit by not having more employees,” Lelo said. Bad conditions serve to coerce people detained at the Northwest Detention Center into self-deportation.

Self-deportation is an important arm of the Trump Administration’s immigration policy. According to Mark Krikorian, executive director of the anti-immigrant Center for Immigration Studies, “Any successful strategy to cut the illegal population significantly will have to combine two things: ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] arresting and removing illegal aliens, and other illegal aliens leaving on their own . . . . Preliminary data suggest nearly one million illegal aliens have departed the country since President Donald Trump’s Inauguration.”
That number is highly questionable, and the center provides no data to support it. It is undeniable, however, that the government is pressuring people to self-deport. Fear of deportation and family separation, as well as hopelessness about any prospect for legal status, has led many people to leave the United States.
In a highly-publicized immigration raid at Glass House Farms on California’s central coast, chaos and fear were deliberately used as weapons to terrorize workers and their families. One man, Jaime Alaniz Garcia, fell to his death desperately fleeing ICE agents. The terror produced by the raids is also a weapon to get people to leave on their own. Gregory Bovino, a Border Patrol official in charge of the Southern California region, responded to criticism of the Glass House raid. “Illegal aliens had the opportunity to self deport,” he said. “Now we’ll help things along a bit.”
“They are trying all they can to get folks out of the country,” Lelo said, “whether through deportation or asking folks to self deport.” Inside the Tacoma detention center, ICE agents took another tactic. “They went to my unit three times, saying that if people gave up their right to fight their case and self-deported, they’d send them $1,000 after sixty days. People got really mad because a lot have lived here for many years. We have families and we’re part of the community. What is $1,000 compared to twenty years of your life?”
Nevertheless, the constant pressure took its toll on his family, and eventually on Lelo himself. In early March his family decided to return to their hometown, Santa Cruz Yucucani. At that point, Lelo had not yet been detained. Later, as he languished inside, he described their reasons.
“It was a hard decision because my parents had lived in Washington for eighteen years,” he explained. “My siblings were born in the United States. They were going to school there. All their friends are there. But as we saw ICE begin to round up more and more folks, we did not want to put my family through the trauma of separation. So we decided they would leave, which they did on March 16 from Santa Maria, [California, a town from which many people leave to go back to Mexico] on the bus. It’s hard to describe the feeling. We always had this plan for my siblings to go to school and have a better life, more opportunity than my parents had. It was like we had to start all over again.”

Then, on March 25, as he was driving his compañera to work in the tulip fields of the Washington Bulb Company, in the Skagit Valley north of Seattle, he was stopped by immigration agents. When he asked for a warrant, they broke the car window and dragged him out. Within hours he was in the Tacoma Northwest Detention Center, and in line for a flight back to Mexico. Only a wave of public outrage, including calls from U.S. Representative Rick Larson, Democrat of Washington, and Washington Governor Bob Ferguson, also a Democrat, kept him from being loaded onto a deportation plane.
Those protests acknowledged that Lelo’s arrest was not random. ICE later said he had been detained because of an earlier deportation order, but Lelo called the charge a pretext. “Before my detention, I had no idea that there was a removal order for me from 2017, under the first Trump Administration. If they’d really wanted to remove me, they could have, but they didn’t. They waited until Trump was President again to go after me. I was never given the opportunity to respond or fully defend myself. There was never any due process.”
Lelo was targeted because of his history as a farmworker organizer. He was a cofounder of Washington’s new union, Familias Unidas por la Justicia, and helped organize many of the campaigns by Community to Community, the state’s advocate for agricultural workers. One of these was for a cap on rents, and another for the Keep Washington Working Act to protect the rights of farmworkers.
But it was his public criticism of the H-2A contract labor program that earned Lelo the greatest hostility among growers. That program allows growers to recruit workers in Mexico for a season’s work, after which they must return. Workers are very vulnerable, and can be fired and blacklisted for organizing, or simply for failing to meet production quotas. Almost one-third of farmworkers in Washington state have now been replaced by contractors using the H-2A program.
“Growers like WAFLA [the Washington Farm Labor Association-a large labor contractor] know me very well,” he recalled, “and were very upset at our opposition to the H-2A program. I would talk to local workers about losing jobs because of it, and to the H-2A workers themselves when they called to report abuses. That made me a big target. But I don’t regret anything I’ve done. It was all supporting workers.”
In the end, however, months in detention took their toll. In mid-July Lelo decided to leave the country voluntarily. He and many others faced the same situation, worn down by the impact of dehumanizing conditions and hopelessness for any solution to their cases. “It’s very hard to bring legal cases from within this place,” he explained during our conversation while he was still in Tacoma. “There are many people here and they’re all losing [their cases] and getting deported. Two people even won their cases, and they’re going to be deported anyway. A lot of people here have legal status. They have good jobs. They’ve been paying taxes for many years. But at the end of their last hearing, they get removed from the country anyway.”
In that sense, Lelo’s case was no different. “Winning from within just doesn’t seem possible,” he said. “Even if I went through all the legal steps and had a decision in my favor, there is no guarantee I will be released after that. Signing the voluntary departure is the only option I have.”
At the end of the ordeal, however, Lelo found himself in Santa Cruz Yucucani, an Indigenous Mixtec community that he only remembered as a child, but which still remembered him. “I went to town a couple of days ago and people recognized me and invited me to eat,” he told me. “I’ve had a lot of really good food here. There are other families in Santa Cruz that have come back as well, and folks are excited that we’re back.”
Lelo’s family are farmers, and on his return he began going out to the fields with his father and grandfather, where they plant corn, green beans, pumpkins, and bananas. “My grandpa sells a little bit of it, but it’s mostly just for the family. We clean the fields and take care of the crops.”
As a union organizer of farmworkers in the United States who labor for wages in industrial agriculture, it has been a revelatory experience. “The big difference is that here we don’t work for anybody, because the fields belong to the family,” he says. “We can take a break whenever we want, and when it gets hot we just go find shade. It’s a huge change from being a farmworker working for a boss.”
But he doesn’t forget the union and the community from which he was taken by force. “I haven’t stopped feeling part of an immigrant community that’s trying to defend itself. As a farmworker it’s heartbreaking to see pictures of the military chasing us in the fields. We’ve never been able to legalize, and now we have to leave. It’s not right. People have to pay attention to what’s happening and speak up. Don’t look the other way.”
In the meantime, though, Lelo simply has to live. “Tomorrow I’m going to the banana field. It’s going to be the first time in eighteen years,” he says.
…
This piece originally ran in The Progressive Magazine
Fast Food Nation Revisited
By Steve Early
As a union rep who worked in northern New England and upstate New York for more than three decades, I became very familiar with down and out working class “spaces.”
De-industrialization in the northeast spawned a service sector that didn’t quite match up to the offerings of the old, manufacturing-based economy. The resulting lower wages, limited job benefits, and reduced job security propelled many workers, their families, and communities into a downward spiral.
Two great regional story tellers—Russell Banks and Richard Russo—ploughed this field, with great personal insight. Both endured difficult childhoods, marked by absent or unreliable blue-collar fathers who left single moms in charge. In their short fiction and novels, both Banks and Russo chronicled the tragedies and tribulations of white-working class people living in hometowns like their own.
In works by Banks like Hamilton Stark, Affliction, and Rule of Boneor Russo’s The Risk Pool, Empire Falls, and Nobody’s Fool, we meet pipefitters and laborers, leather factory workers, auto mechanics and small-town cops, grill cooks and waitresses, and even the occasional failed academic.
A Literature of the Precariat
Their fictional world contains few characters and plots of the politically uplifting sort favored by promoters of proletarian literature the 1930s. Late 20th century working class life in the northeast did not lend itself to such heroic narratives. It was a time of downward mobility after lost strikes, lay-offs, plant closings, and replacement of stable blue-collar jobs with far more precarious ones.
In tumble-down houses, battered by cold-winters, cross-generational family dysfunction worsened. People got divorced, went bankrupt, left town. In the works of Banks and Russo, even the human company and liquid solace found in local bars and diners becomes a mixed blessing. Because, in the authors’ fictional rendering of those gathering places, irascible regulars can explode at any moment, directing bitterness or disappointment over life and work at others equally unhappy.
Novelist Born in Vietnam Shines a Light – On Low-Wage Life & Work in the U.S.
Thanks to immigration, the demographics of the region have changed considerably; workers born abroad account for more than half of New England’s population growth in the last 15 years. So now, fittingly enough, a new literary voice has emerged from the ranks of a more diverse low-wage workforce faced with the same job precarity as older native-born workers.
How members of this “new” and “old” working class interact—amid shared economic hardship, fraying family and community ties, but with the life-raft of workplace friendship to sustain them—is beautifully rendered, warts and all, by Ocean Vuong in his new novel, The Emperor of Gladness.
From Boston Market to A MacArthur
Vuong is 36-year -old Vietnamese immigrant currently employed as a tenured professor of writing at New York University. He’s also a leading poet and past recipient of a MacArthur Foundation Fellowship (aka “genius grant”). Just a decade and half ago, he was not collecting accolades in the rarified world of literary fiction or philanthropy. He was struggling to support himself or his family– as a fast-food server and home health aide.
Workers in those two essential occupations now number nearly 4.5 million nationwide. Vuong is the only one among them (so far) to turn his formative experience doing food prep at Boston Market and Panera, plus several years of elder care for a Lithuanian woman in her 80s, into the brilliant core of a 400-page novel.
What feats did Vuong–like Banks and Russo before him—have to perform to end up on the academic track and then turn his experiences into such moving fiction? Vuong’s upbringing was even more difficult than their own, many decades before and further north.
Vuong grew up in public housing in East Hartford, just across the Connecticut River from the capital of a state ranked among the richest in the U.S., with some of the highest levels of income inequality. His late mother was a manicurist, whose father was a U.S. soldier. She became a post-Vietnam War refugee, bringing her son to America when he was two years old.
Before Vuong’s youthful foray into the service sector, he spent long summer days working, for cash under the table, at a local tobacco farm; because he had no car, that required a five-mile bike ride each way. His step-father went to work for an auto-parts company; Vuong’s brother became a longtime employee of Dick’s Sporting Goods.
“Where I’m from,” Vuong says, “reading itself is a class betrayal. Oh, you’re too good for us. You’re trying to read to go to college. You’re trying too hard to get out.”
Saved by Reading and Writing
The author did eventually “get out” by embracing not only reading, but also writing–habits shared, not surprisingly, by his fictional alter ego in Emperor of Gladness. When we first meet 19-year- old Hai in the book, he’s a depressed, pill-popping college washout who’s afraid to go home and tell his mother that he’s failed her immigrant dreams of a better life for the next generation.
He’s about to kill himself by jumping off a rail-road bridge, when Grazina Vitkus, an 82-year -old widow from Lithuania who lives alone, sees him and talks him down. Due to multiple ailments, including incipient dementia, her mind and body are deteriorating as rapidly as her century old house; it’s such a dump that no caregiver wants to stay with her overnight. That situation changes for the better when Hai, in need of shelter and a job, becomes her live-in helpmate.
Their partnership of convenience becomes a deep cross-generational friendship, rooted in hilariously disjointed discussions of life, history, great books, and their shared experience of family estrangement. The emotional labor involved in caring for Grazina is considerable; she suffers from flashbacks and nightmares from traumatic experiences in war-torn, famine-stricken eastern Europe. Plus, Grazina is barely able to put food on the table now. So, when the balance on her EBT card nears zero, Hai cycles off to land a day job to keep their household afloat financially.
Hai reconnects with his cousin Sony, who is now living in a group home for “neuro-atypical teens” while his mother is in jail. In a standard-issue uniform and cap from “HomeMarket” (as Boston Market is called in the novel) Sony earns $7.15 per hour as a valued team member at its “third best grossing outlet in history.” While serving up roast chicken and mash potatoes to go, Sony has become well-known for his detailed, non-stop monologues about civil war generals and their battles, delivered as if the war between the states is still occurring, down south, at that very moment.
“He’s ‘artistic,’ one protective co-worker explains to customers puzzled by this behavior, a product of either being on the spectrum or a form of assimilation via obsessive emersion in the minutia of American history. Grazina displays a similar blend of linguistic confusion and personal tolerance when she learns about Hai’s sexual orientation. She quickly assures him that she has no beef with “the Liggabit community.”
“How Can I Help You?”
With his cousin vouching for him, Hai joins the millions of workers, past and present—at Boston Market, McDonald’s, Wendy’s, Burger King, Burger Chef, Subway, Panda Express and Pizza Hut–“who lord over nothing but a stainless-steel counter and its crumb-specked dominion.” Because it is their lot to stand behind that counter “saying again and again, ‘How can I help you?’ to an endless stream of impatient customers seeking “reheated chemically preserved sustenance.”
Emperor of Gladness provides the best back stage tour of how the “quick service restaurant sector” functions, at the micro level, since Eric Schlosser’s journalistic expose inFast Food Nation, 25 years ago. We learn that, at this fictional chain, making dinner by hand “means heating up the contents of a bag of mushy food cooked nearly a year ago at a laboratory outside Des Moines and vacuum-sealed in industrial resin sacks.”
When Wayne, the African-American “Chief of Rotisserie” at the outlet lands a side gig on a nearby farm, he recruits Sony, Hai, and other co-workers to help him earn a $1,500 bonus for slaughtering hogs in time for the holiday season rush. Their bloody, bone-chilling experience– “working meat,” as Wayne calls it–plunges them into a nightmarish Connecticut Valley version of The Jungle120 years ago.
“Hidden from the road, next to the barn was a long tarp tent the size of a car wash, the sides covered all the way to the ground. It looked like the Civil War hospitals Sony is always talking about. As they approached, a swell of death metal music started filling the air…Wrapping around the tent’s perimeter was a rusty chain link fence that prevented hogs from bolting once they realized they were doomed for the chandeliered-dinner tables of millionaires. The plastic sign, zip-tied to the chain link, read: ‘Murphy’s Free-Range Pork: A Family Farm Since 1921.’”
Fortunately for Hai, his regular workplace, like Grazina’s crumbling abode, turns out to be a true haven in a heartless world. His diverse crew of co-workers may not be serving up previously frozen dinners at the faster industrial pace demanded by their whip-cracking regional manager—or doing so with a small enough crew. But they are pretty good at helping each other out, on the job and after work.
Time to Move On
The high turnover rate in the fast food industry means that most people move on, sooner rather than later. Emperor of Gladness has no big happy ending but some hints of a better life ahead for Hai and his old teammates.
His female manager, BJ, who is built like a Samoan wrestler and aspires to become “the next Rikishi,” rebounds from a disastrous debut in the arena to “become New England Regional Women’s Tag Team Champion” (while managing another HomeMarket outlet).
Wayne “moves back to North Carolina to start a smokehouse called The Knighthood.” Sony raises enough cash, with Hai’s help, to bail his mother out of jail; re-united they go to work at a local ravioli factory, while Sony studies at night to become a docent at a civil war museum.
Russia–a co-worker from Tajikistan–has similar success saving enough money to get his drug addled sister into rehab. Their hard-drinking friend Maureen, a former elementary school aide and mother of three, needs surgery for cancer and ends up in a wheelchair, but living with her brother’s family.
Lucas Vitkus, Grazina’s selfish white-collar son–who lives in a fancy condo with his own family—still wants little to do with his mother. So, Lucas decides to sell her house and evict Hai, her loving and devoted one-man “memory care” unit. Over Grazina’s objections, she is carted off to an Alzheimer’s facility, where she dies six months later, during an afternoon nap.
At the novel’s end, Hai’s own future is uncertain. He’s still calling his own mom, at her nail salon, to deceive her about his continuing separation from higher education. But he’s not peering over the side of railroad bridges anymore. Readers have reason to believe that Hai will make the best of his second chance at life. And like his resilient creator, he’ll find a way to “get out” of poverty and precarity, without forgetting what both mean for millions of Americans, both native- and foreign-born.
…
Myopia On the Left: Let’s Not Do the Billionaires’ Work For Them
By Tom Gallagher

Recently a Facebook friend of mine — whom I’ve actually known since before Mark Zuckerberg started Harvard, and whose political activism I hold in high regard — surprised me by posting an article entitled “AOC is a genocidal con artist.” I can’t tell you what the article said because I’d be as likely to read an article proclaiming that “AOC is a lying communist child-murderer” as I would that one.
And really, the particulars of the article concern me less than the spectacularly myopic political stance on display. Political myopia — allowing smaller or infrequent differences to outweigh broader agreement on larger issues — is always going to be a hazard for groups of intensely committed people whose concern with an issue extends down to the smallest detail. It is, however, a tendency we really can’t afford to fall into if we aspire to actually achieving goals like winding down the nation’s war machine or supplanting our corporate-dominated economy with a democratically controlled one.
“… the April 16, 2025 New York Times headline said it all: “Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez Electrify Democrats Who Want to Fight Trump.”
The concern here is both general and specific. General, in that this type of short-sightedness diminishes the effectiveness of all of us who share the above-mentioned goals. Specific, in that I consider attacks upon Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez particularly wrong-headed and damaging. And while few approach the level of absurdity of the above-mentioned article, claims that she’s only a “so-called progressive” can too often be found coming from people who really might benefit from taking a moment to consider things from a broader perspective.
When Michigan Representative Rashida Tlaib authored a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio declaring that the Israeli government food “blockade is starving Palestinian civilians in violation of international law, and the militarization of food will not help,” and going on to “demand an immediate end to the blockade, an immediate resumption of unfettered humanitarian aid entry into Gaza, the restoration of U.S. funding to UNRWA, and an immediate and lasting ceasefire,” she was joined by only 18 other members of Congress — Senator Bernie Sanders, and 17 members of the House. This did two things: it told us just how insensitive to the devastation of Gaza the U.S. Congress actually is, and it provided a marker of just who constituted its anti-Gaza war hardcore. Ocasio-Cortez was one of that 19.
On the domestic front, the April 16, 2025 New York Times headline said it all: “Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez Electrify Democrats Who Want to Fight Trump.” It referred to their “Fighting Oligarchy” tour which has taken the pair before crowds of 36,000 people in Los Angeles; 34,000 in Denver; 30,000 in Folsom, California, where the line to get in was three miles long and thousands more watched through the fence and from the surrounding hills; 20,000 in Salt Lake City; 20,000 in Tucson, Arizona; 15,000 in Tempe, Arizona, with another thousand outside; 12,500 in Nampa, Idaho; 10,000 in Greeley, Colorado, with an overflow crowd said to be of equal number; 7,500 in Missoula, Montana, with another 1,000 listening outside; 4,000 in Bakersfield, California; and 1,000 in North Las Vegas. Additionally, AOC held a rally with New York Representative Paul Tonko in the district of Elise Stefanik, Trump’s one-time nominee for ambassador to the United Nations.
In short, the claim that Ocasio-Cortez is something less than a “real progressive” is preposterous. If someone were to take such an assertion to court they would have to hope for a Trump-appointed judge to have any hope of winning their case. The only political figure to have done more to rally opposition to the Trump regime than Ocasio-Cortez is Sanders himself. So whence this recent flurry of muttering that she’s not the real deal?
The current discontent concerns a failed amendment to H.R.4016, the Department of Defense Appropriations Act for 2026. The amendment in question would have eliminated funding for Israel’s so-called “Iron Dome,” a missile system designed to intercept incoming missiles. It was offered by one of the most Trumpist members of the House, Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, and received only six votes — that of Greene, one other Republican, and four of the 18 hard core opponents of Israel’s Gaza devastation. Ocasio-Cortez was NOT one of the four.
Members of legislative bodies may opt to deal with various amendments to bills in a variety of ways. For one thing, they are obviously taken more seriously if one intends to vote for, rather than against the final bill, as well as when the amendment is deemed to have a chance of passing. In a situation such as that of the Greene amendment, other considerations may come into play. In this case, for instance, one might imagine some deciding to vote against an amendment with no chance of passage out of disdain for the overall political stance of its author.(The vote in question occurred before the shocker of Greene becoming the first Republican in Congress to call the Israel assault on Gaza genocide.)
I am in no position to speculate as to the reasons that the majority of the Tlaib-letter signatories voted against it, but Ocasio-Cortez actually articulated hers:
“Marjorie Taylor Greene’s amendment does nothing to cut off offensive aid to Israel nor end the flow of U.S. munitions being used in Gaza. Of course I voted against it. What it does do is cut off defensive Iron Dome capacities while allowing the actual bombs killing Palestinians to continue. I have long stated that I do not believe that adding to the death count of innocent victims to this war is constructive to its end. That is a simple and clear difference of opinion that has long been established. I remain focused on cutting the flow of U.S. munitions that are being used to perpetuate the genocide in Gaza.”
The counter-argument to this is that to the extent that the Iron Dome is effective — in itself a disputed matter– it allows Israel to act with impunity, inflicting damage on others without fear of retribution. I actually share this take on the issue, in fact at the current moment I’d vote against sending aid of any kind to Israel. However, I do not consider the Ocasio-Cortez viewpoint to be beyond the pale, and I also view her vote in the context of the ongoing necessity of clarity on the point that we opponents of Israel’s military operations oppose both Israeli and Hamas attacks upon civilians. Hopefully all of us who hope to convince an ever greater sector of our population to oppose the Israeli onslaught recognize that necessity. And the possibility of erring in that direction should by no means be seen as treason to the cause on the part of one of the staunchest congressional opponents of Israel’s effort to destroy Gaza.
To take the question from a different angle, let’s consider the Israelis who are currently publicly demonstrating against this extermination campaign. Surely we’d have to count them among the most courageous and impactful protestors against their government’s actions to be found anywhere in the world.. While I personally don’t know any of them, I strongly suspect that there are some among their number who support the Iron Dome system because they believe that it actually does offer some protection to them and their neighbors in the case of attack — a real possibility in their lives. If that were to be the case, would we deem their opposition to the war as insufficient, or less than genuine?
Arguing and debating every fine point regarding the current horrific situation is in many ways an admirable thing; it’s a facet of commitment. But when it creates needless divisions or even turns friends into foes, it ceases to be admirable. And certainly on this question Ocasio-Cortez’s stance does not justify articles with absurd titles like the one cited above.
If you don’t use the right word, it doesn’t count
Of course, the phenomenon is not limited to Ocasio-Cortez. Bernie Sanders too is lately under attack by some adherents to what we might characterize as a crossword-puzzle approach to politics — that is to say, if you don’t use the right word, it doesn’t count. The word in question here is “genocide.” Many, perhaps most opponents of Israel’s actions believe they meet the definition of genocide created by the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. But there are also equally staunch opponents who — because they think Israel’s devastation of Gaza, although abominable, doesn’t fit that definition; or because they adhere to a different definition of the word; or for some other reason — choose not to use the word. Sanders is one of those, which has resulted in some people going to far as to argue that the fact that the word “genocide” does not appear in his statements actually outweighs, for instance, the importance of his authoring the Senate resolution that for the first time drew a majority of that body’s Democrats into public opposition to what Sanders characterized as “an all-out, illegal, immoral and horrific war of annihilation against the Palestinian people.” I even recently ran across someone who called him “a coward” on those grounds. Bernie Sanders — a coward! (He has, by the way, recently extended his Fighting Oligarchy tour to West Virginia and North Carolina.)
Nor is this sort of thing new. Before she even took office, left-wing comedian and YouTube program host Jimmy Dore was denouncing Ocasio-Cortez as a “liar … coward … gaslighter” for refusing to make her first vote for Speaker of the House contingent on Nancy Pelosi’s agreement to schedule a full House vote on Medicare-for-all legislation. Ocasio-Cortez and the rest of progressive members of the House ultimately decided against the tactic. Perhaps Dore’s Force-the-Vote advocacy was right, perhaps it was wrong, but one thing the subsequent five and a half years have clearly demonstrated is that he was wrong in his name-calling.
In a sense, these outbursts of political myopia — “I don’t care about what you’ve done or think about anything else, if you disagree with me on this, you’re a (pick one) coward/genocide-supporter/gaslighter/so-called progressive/con-artist/liar — are actually a-political. The decision to be political involves commitment to overcoming the well-known fact that no two people will agree on everything, in the interest of finding areas of agreement to act upon. The Internet does wonders in allowing people to share their ideas — including their differences — but it can unfortunately also make it too easy to forget that commitment.
I stated above that I considered misguided attacks on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to be particularly damaging. The reason is 2028 and the next presidential election. Bernie Sanders’s decision to enter the 2016 presidential race was a game changer — his ultimate failure to win the nomination notwithstanding — as it belatedly brought American politics into the twentieth century by introducing working class-oriented democratic socialist ideas into millions of living rooms during the Democratic primary debates. Likewise in 2020. But not so in 2024, when the only candidates in the limelight, Donald Trump, Joe Biden and then Kamala Harris, vied to be Bibi Netanyahu’s best friend, and all opposed Medicare for all.
Assuming that Bernie Sanders will not make another run, we find ourselves very much in need of a candidate who will carry the banner he ran on — one who will reject a minimalist “At least we’re better than Trump” message instead calling for turning away from the disastrous endless-war foreign policy that has reigned supreme for decades and against economic policies that favor the interest of the few who are fabulously wealthy over the interests of the many who are not. It is certainly not too soon to be considering this question, as we know all too well how prepared the other side is. To my eye, at this point the obvious choice would seem to be Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, should she be interested. Perhaps the reader sees it differently, has another candidate in mind. Nevertheless, we should all be able to agree that it’s imperative not to lose sight of the broader goals because have obsessed over differences on lesser matters. We should not do the billionaires’ work of dividing us. They have enough money to do it for themselves.
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This piece originally ran in Common Dreams
Understanding Our Past, Forging Our Future
By Kurt Stand
Asserting the rights of people over profit, that is the core of unionism and the heart of socialism
In a referendum held in 2021, the city of Greenbelt, MD voted in favor of reparations for the descendants of slaves and for Native Americans whose lands were stolen – an initiative strongly supported by members of DSA in Prince George’s County. The step that represented was an acknowledgement of the realities of racial exclusion at the town’s birth; more broadly it was a recognition of the continual impact of that legacy in income and living standards and, equally, important, in the sense of belonging. A local movement, it is very much a part of a wider set of initiatives which includes the establishment of DEI – Diversity, Equity, Inclusion – programs nationally.
By contrast, the Trump Administration has launched a war against DEI programs since assuming office in January. Opposition to diversity, equity, and inclusion by definition, means supporting exclusion, upholding inequity, and denying the rights, liberties, freedom of all those who don’t conform to a certain appearance, religion, way of life, i.e., to the overwhelming majority. It is thus fundamentally an assertion of hierarchical power asserting white supremacy, male supremacy, religious intolerance; it is anti-democratic to the core. And, as such, it is also an assault on the rights of working people, for the working-class in its diversity gains its strength through mutual understanding rooted in equality. Without equity, it will be impossible to assert public control over capital – assert the rights of people over profit. That is the core of unionism and the heart of socialism.
For too many people, however, a misconceived triumphalist understanding of our history provided the backdrop of Trump’s MAGA appeal – blaming those asserting their rights for the decline in quality of life and standard of living that is a reality for working people across the board. “Greatness” is thereby found where freedom means the right to oppress, where democracy consists of some choosing, others obeying. The legacy of racism drives a wedge through our understanding of who we are and where we are going, threatening the rights of all – for it is based on the pretense that our lives are not intertwined.
An alternative notion, rooted as deeply in our history, was expressed by Martin Luther King, when he stated a truism we neglect to our cost, to the world’s cost:
”Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.”
Freedom and Equality – therein lies the only valid definition of patriotism
Last year, on Juneteenth, my wife Lisa and I attended an event at the African American Civil War Memorial in Northwest Washington, DC. Frank Smith – SNCC activist and former DC Council member (when a member of DSA) – opened the ceremony commenting that this event was a tribute to the 200,000 Black soldiers who served in the US army and navy during the Civil War in a battle to end Southern slavery as part of a struggle to enhance democracy nationwide for all. The democracy being fought for was not conceived of as an abstraction, but rather as a means for the majority to protect their interests and improve their quality of life against the minority of wealthy plantation owners in the South or industrialists in the North.
The desire for freedom was concretized in the demand for “40 acres and a mule” – that is for sufficient means to lead a life of economic independence, the land being compensation for generations of unpaid labor. One might say today: reparations. Beyond that, there was a demand for voting rights, civic rights, public education (for African Americans and people of European heritage alike). Former slaves working in crafts, trades, on the waterfront, began to unionize. That was the promise of post-Civil War Reconstruction. Though it was a promise not fulfilled, it is a promise central to our national heritage, central to Juneteenth’s commemoration and celebration.
Paying tribute to that living history, a Baptist Choir sang patriotic songs celebrating our country as a land where people have always fought for freedom. Following the communal singing, everyone present was given a list of names of the African American Civil War soldiers inscribed on the memorial. Saying their names aloud was a way of recognizing the individual contribution of each, a means of remembrance of personal identity that slave owners tried to erase in the human beings who were their “property.” Striking back against enforced anonymity serves to give back a sense of history to people whose history had been brutally suppressed.
Breaking free from anonymity is critical to the meaning and substance of the labor movement. Working people are not just “hands,” a term once common amongst factory owners, but human beings with thoughts and ideas and dreams of their own. Thus it was wholly appropriate that the program concluded with the DC Black Workers Center Chorus singing songs about justice and worker rights, labor songs and civil rights songs merging in voice. And bringing the program full circle, it ended with both choruses singing the spiritual, labor and civil rights anthem – “Keep Your Eyes on the Prize.” Throughout the day, we saw and heard linkages that reminded us that the nature of our society is defined by how we act, how we work to change what needs to be changed, for therein lies the only valid definition of patriotism.
The Declaration of Independence, the Preamble to the Constitution and the Bill of Rights are crucial to our national heritage. Every attempt to fill the gap between what is promised in those documents and the refusal to do so becomes a defining characteristic of our national history. Similarly, the Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and Second Inaugural Speech, and the 13th – 15th Reconstruction Amendments, are markers of the Second American Revolution, completing what the compromises made at our country’s founding left undone. And, as with the first American Revolution, the struggle to fulfill the promises then made is a thread that runs through political division in the years since and is especially marked today.
Juneteenth is a critical part of that heritage. The commemoration of the public reading of the Emancipation Proclamation in Texas – the last state where news of slavery’s end was publicly announced – on June 19, 1865 reinforces the centrality of equality to the vision of what our country could be. The brief ceremony at the African American Civil War Memorial, was also an assertion that our country belongs to all who live in it, contrary to those who by wealth, race, gender seek to proclaim that it belongs to some and not others.
Reparations
On June 19th 1838, one of the innumerable tragedies inherent in the system of racial slavery took place – for on that day, Jesuits sold 272 slaves working on their plantations in order to raise money needed to save Georgetown University from bankruptcy. That coincidence was noted in the documentary The Cost of Inheritance (directed by Yoruba Richen) at last August’s screening sponsored by the Greenbelt Interfaith Leadership Association (GILA) Reparations Education Task Force. The Task Force was established to determine how best to implement the city’s reparations commitment. Nearly 100 people viewed the film either in-person or via Zoom as part of an effort to broaden discussion about the need and possible forms reparations could take.
The film itself gave a human picture of what reconciliation might mean. One woman spoke of her need to do something, to give back, after discovering that her grandmother had been an active member of the Ku Klux Klan who had saved much of the memorabilia from the years of her membership (which only came to light after her death). Another woman talked of how she had always known her ancestors had been slave owners – but when she first saw the names of some of those who had been enslaved, their lives became real in a way they had never been to her before – and that too prompted her to look for ways to give back.
“Giving back,” however, is not about charity, not about those with resources telling those without what they need. True equality is about people jointly deciding, people working together, people transforming personal relationships and understandings – an individual process that speaks to a more fundamental way of approaching social change. That is the approach taken by Coming to the Table – a national racial justice organization featured in the film. Their definitions of reparations, as “a process of repairing, healing and restoring a people injured because of their group identity and in violation of their fundamental human rights,” was central to the documentary.
The need for a shared response to past injustices, that remain as injustices today, was highlighted in the film by the example of Georgetown University, which is still run by the Jesuits. Under pressure from advocates, students, and community members, the University established a Board and hired consultants to determine how they could atone for having profited off slavery and the selling of slaves. Descendants of those slaves sold in 1838 contested that process at a public forum. Their intervention was successful, and those descendants became part of the decision-making committee. After years of meetings, the Jesuits, in 2021, committed to hundreds of millions of dollars to be disbursed through the Descendants Truth & Reconciliation Foundation with three goals: invest in descendants’ education over the course of their lives, fund programs that support individuals already engaged in anti-racist advocacy, and support elderly descendants. This was not a project to provide for individual payments, it is a project designed as part of a process to overcome the legacy of slavery and structural racism.
Briayna Cuffie, an Annapolis resident, founder of Reparations4Slavery, spoke and answered questions after the film (in which she was featured). She stressed that reparations can take numerous forms, including conversation and advice, noting as a personal example her being mentored on home-buying, becoming thereby the first in her family to own a home. Lois Rosado, chair of the Greenbelt Reparations Commission, followed with a presentation about the Commission’s work and goals. She too stressed that reparations shouldn’t be seen as cash payment, but as equity in resources. Systemic change begins when businesses, churches, and our federal government address their history of profiting from racial slavery and Native dispossession.
Addressing the inequalities that flow from that history, is central if we are to find a democratic solution to the social and economic crises of our country. It is a long and difficult path. After all, not everyone – in Greenbelt or elsewhere – appreciates the topic of reparations even being discussed.
An instance of this was expressed in a letter to our community newspaper – Greenbelt News Review. Voicing opposition to reparations, the writer cited the sacrifice of his German-American abolitionist forbearers, some of whom paid with their lives because of their opposition to slavery, as reason to oppose reparations for descendants of slaves. Arguing that suffering and hard times were the lot of his family, but through hard work they were able to make a better life for themselves, he contrasted his heritage to that of people asking for reparations today (falsely assuming they are asking for handouts).
Although no doubt sincere, I question whether anyone or any family succeeds by themselves or that those whose forebears were in chains, who were denied equal rights and subject to lynching after freedom, and who still face systemic discrimination, are asking for handouts to avoid hard work. Truth be told, if African Americans hadn’t labored long and hard through the years, the community would not exist as it does, and our country would be the poorer.
Understanding Heritage
I grew up in a culture well aware of the legacy of German-Americans who took part in the abolition struggle before and during the Civil War, and drew different conclusions from that past. Many were themselves refugees from the failed revolutions of 1848, and they took seriously their conviction that democracy and equality are inextricably linked as the pathway for individual dignity and well-being for working people. Amongst them was Carl Schurz, a Republican and advisor to Lincoln, a general in the Union army during the Civil War and supporter of Reconstruction, another was Joseph Weydemeyer, a friend of Karl Marx, an abolitionist, trade unionist and socialist who also served as a Civil War general for the North.
To this, we can add Adolf Cluss, the German-American architect who designed Washington DC’s Eastern Market, an acquaintance of Schurz, a friend of Weydemeyer and a correspondent of Marx. He designed numerous schools in Washington DC, including the still standing Sumner School (named for the abolitionist Senator). The schools he built for Black students (at a time when segregation was still legally enforced) were based on the same principles as his buildings for white students. And at Cluss’ insistence, Black craftsmen built the school over the objections of white building-trades workers, who were then in the process of forcing African Americans out of skilled trades.
My parents were both refugees from Germany, my mother arriving here in 1934 at age 10 – her parents were already in the US, having come to escape repression following a defeated miners strike. They had planned to return to Germany but when Hitler came to power that proved impossible. My father arrived in New York in 1938 at age 18, having already been a refugee from Germany, first in Poland and then in Czechoslovakia. They met at Camp Midvale in Ringwood, New Jersey, through Nature Friends, a working-class hiking organization founded before World War I by German-American Socialists – as a branch of “Die Naturfreunde,” which had been formed earlier by socialists in Vienna.
Camp Midvale was built in the late 1920s and early 30s by the voluntary work of German immigrant laborers, most socialists or communists – including my grandparents – who would come on weekends, or after work, to put up the buildings and cabins. (And eventually an outdoor swimming pool carved by hand out of the hillside and fed by a mountain stream). The camp they built created a space for people trapped in cities to spend time out in the country, to enable children to swim and hike away from the concrete and crowded streets of urban landscapes. That included myself in the 1950s and 60s. We frequently left our Bronx neighborhood on weekends and over the summer to head to camp where we would run free to our heart’s content on the grounds.
But learning to appreciate nature also meant learning to respect all people. Camp Midvale welcomed refugees from fascism such as my parents, welcomed all who stood against hatred wherever it raised its face, and opposed the anti-Semitism then rampant in Germany, and a reality in the United States. Folk songs and folk dances from around the world reinforced that sense of oneness with all people. Solidarity with organized labor and those who organize and strike was in its DNA, as was a firm and unwavering opposition to racism rooted in the conviction that an injury to one is an injury to all.
“We all pick and choose which heritage has meaning to us”
Camp Midvale was the first – and for many years – the only integrated camp in New Jersey, the only public swimming pool that permitted Blacks and whites together. What gave that extra meaning is that Ringwood was a “closed Christian community” – i.e., Jews and Catholics were not permitted to buy homes in the town. African Americans, those descendants of slaves, were not only prohibited from buying a home: they were not welcome to set foot in town. The presence of Blacks at Midvale was viewed with great hostility by many in the surrounding community. For those of us fortunate to be there, on the other hand, it opened us up to the world we lived in. We also saw that the parents of our Black friends worked just as hard as our parents but found greater obstacles to getting by, to getting ahead.
My parents also took part in every year’s Steuben Day parade and picnic as part of the Workmen Benefit Fund‘s contingent. Like many other immigrant communities, German immigrants created the WBF as a cooperative to provide health and life insurance at low cost as well as old age services to members who lacked resources, who had little to show after a lifetime of work due to bouts of unemployment or low wages. That mutual support, however, did not prevent the fund from advocating for national health insurance or improved Social Security benefits for all people. Helping each other in the community was not exclusive from helping all.
Similarly, my brother and I attended a turnverein (pronounced “TOORN-fair-ine”) in Yorkville (in Manhattan) to learn conversational German – there too, the values imparted were that of a democratic ethos. Those democratic values stood against the militarist and stratified German imperial ethos which laid the groundwork for fascism in the 1930s and is raising its ugly head again today in Germany and in the United States. Reflecting that outlook, in 2017, the Milwaukee Turners (one of the few still remaining) unanimously called for an end to the Muslim ban the Trump Administration had then announced, recognizing in their plight the circumstances that brought many impoverished or politically persecuted Germans to our country in previous times.
We all pick and choose which heritage has meaning to us – like with every culture and community, there are alternative ways of understanding that past, always a choice to be made as to how to see the world. During the 1880s and 1890s (and our first “Red Scare”), German-American communities were targeted by police and vigilantes, following the Haymarket riot. Anti-German sentiment was manifested on a greater scale during World War I, when it was merged into a frenzy of violence directed at any who questioned U.S. participation in the war. Organizations like the Nature Friends were attacked during the years of McCarthyism when the society was put on the list of subversive organizations. Many of those at the camp – including my father – were blacklisted for many years simply because of their Communist convictions.
Camp Midvale was burned down in 1965 by militia style vigilantes stemming from anti-Communist hysteria and hatred of that afore-mentioned “race-mixing.” (Midvale’s legacy is not wholly lost, however. Today the grounds are the home of the New Weiss Center for Education, Arts & Recreation). Undergoing those experiences only strengthened a feeling of solidarity with African Americans who have been in this country longer than us but who faced, and still face discrimination in jobs, housing and education. Solidarity is another word for mutual support to solve the common problems that our country will only overcome when equality for all is made real in public policy, rather than existing only as an aspiration.
That is how I view my heritage. I’m well aware that others look at the past from a different lens, far too many (even one is one too many) embracing the militarist and chauvinist side of their German roots. For many others, their German culture is embodied by food or drink, or a reference to anecdotal instances of the past that are important pieces of family history. Obviously, there is nothing wrong with that, I only question when upholding one’s particular roots is used to pass judgement on other people’s experience and present.
Speaking only for myself, my German-American heritage leads me to uphold the dignity of labor, respect for all and the value of unionism, socialism, cooperation – and hence to value the cooperatives in Greenbelt where we now live. And a wonderful expression of that value can be found in the discussion now taking place in our community about reparations – for without genuine equality for all, the rights of no one is secure. The Nature Friends old socialist motto: Berg Frei, Mensch Frei, Welt Frei – free mountains, free people, free world – still rings true.
Final Reflections
Reparations are not a one-size fits all fix. German reparations to Jewish victims of the Holocaust is a prime example of the wrong approach – based as it was on isolating one source of oppression while ignoring all others. That especially incensed my father, a German Jew (but no less German for that, no matter what anti-Semites might say) – for those who were victimized as working-class opponents of Hitler, such as my mother’s family, were ignored, reparations were not paid to the people of Poland, Greece, the former Yugoslavia, the former Soviet Union, and other countries whose lands were bombed and people killed, and yet whose pain and whose needs were unaddressed. It is a blindness now seen in the racism directed toward Palestinians in Germany, the United States and Israel, a racism akin to still present anti-Semitism, to the racism which still denies African Americans equal protection under the law. We act on the principle of “one for all, all for one,” or we act to divide – that choice remains to each of us.
On the afternoon of last year’s election day, when it was unclear what the outcome would be, Lisa and I went to the national mall to visit the Martin Luther King Memorial and from there walked to the Franklin D. Roosevelt Memorial to reinforce for ourselves where we stand when it comes to our country’s heritage. The quote from King with which we began was inscribed on one of the panels. So too was this basic injunction:
“I have the audacity to believe that peoples everywhere can have three meals a day for their bodies, education and culture for their minds, and dignity, equality, and freedom for their spirits.”
And at Roosevelt’s Memorial was the quote below which speaks to the vision of the New Deal, reflecting values we are sorely in need of today:
“We must scrupulously guard the civil rights and civil liberties of all our citizens, whatever their background. We must remember that any oppression, any injustice, any hatred, is a wedge designed to attack our civilization.”
Taken together we can see a definition of what “greatness” in our country, in any and every country, entails. They are part of our national heritage which we need to embrace now more than ever.
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Mamdani for NYC Mayor: The Fight We’ve Been Waiting For
By Tom Gallagher
A shift the nation is obviously in desperate need of
I have no doubt that Zohran Mamdani, upset winner over the heavily favored former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo in the New York City Democratic mayoral primary, would have greatly preferred that his much better financed opponent would graciously accept the will of his party’s voters, thereby allowing the Democratic nominee, him, to sail on through the final election in November as is generally the case. And so would we, his supporters, all. Instead, he finds himself actively opposed by elements of just about every significant anti-democratic, anti-working class faction in American politics. As the Talking Heads song put it, this race “ain’t no disco; this ain’t no fooling around.” Should Mamdani’s campaign prevail over all of them, the victory will realign the nation’s politics more profoundly that anything since the first Bernie Sanders presidential campaign — a shift the nation is obviously in desperate need of.
On the one side we have a candidate arguing the need to pull out all the stops, to try all avenues — increased rent control and housing construction, reduced transit fares, city-owned supermarkets, higher taxes on great wealth, and so on down the line — in an effort to allow the city’s working class to remain the city’s working class, rather than become a stream of economic refugees who can no longer afford to live there. On the other side we’ve got a magpie’s cast of characters, united only by their dread of the prospect of a mayor siding with the struggling many, while openly acknowledging that the over-privileged few — the billionaires who think that the city owes it all to them — are not the saviors they think themselves to be, but are actually part and parcel of the problem.
More interested in corporate cash than in the working class
First up in the cast, of course, is the Republican Party, nominally in the person of its candidate Curtis Sliwa, founder of the unarmed crime prevention group the Guardian Angels. Sliwa, however, is not expected to be a factor in the final outcome. Naturally, the party’s interest in the race is primarily represented — as it is in all things — by our intermittently coherent president, who has fulminated about arresting Mamdani, revoking his citizenship, cutting off federal funding to the city and even taking direct control of it — a threat he was bound to make sooner or later to some local government not to his taste.
Then we have the Democrats more interested in corporate cash than in the working class — unfortunately a rather large sector of the party — along with those troubled by the fact that Mamdani opposes Israel’s ongoing obliteration of Gaza; two groups with significant overlap. This dominant wing of the party is actually directly involved in this race to an unusual degree by dint of the fact that the minority leaders of both branches of Congress — Representative Hakeem Jeffries and Senator Chuck Schumer — are Brooklyn voters. So are they going to pull the lever for their party’s nominee in November? We don’t know. Neither has actually opposed Mamdani, but the failure of the party’s leaders to endorse him thus far is without recent precedent. Since Schumer was recently pleased to be seen smiling in a group photo with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, you can see the problem. Others have been outright hostile. Democrat Laura Gillen, Representative of a New York city-adjacent district. for instance, has characterized Mamdani as “a threat to my constituents.”
Next we have the independent candidates themselves who have now come to seem more like anti-Mamdani place holders, even though one of them is actually the current Mayor of New York. That would be Eric Adams, elected to the position as a Democrat, who declined to enter his party’s primary after running into a few bumps in the road during his term of office. The problems were indictment on charges of conspiracy to defraud the United States, wire fraud, soliciting campaign contributions from foreign nationals, and soliciting and accepting a bribe; and a subsequent pardon by the ubiquitous Donald Trump. The other major one is Andrew Cuomo, one-time Democratic Governor of New York, forced to resign in the face of numerous charges of sexual harassment, and loser of the Democratic primary, despite the backing of independent expenditure committees spending more than $25 million — out of a total of $30 million spent by such committees on all of the city offices at play in the primary — the heaviest spending in the history of New York City politics. Cuomo has decided that the voters deserve a second chance to make up for their error in not choosing him the first time and declared that this time “It’s all or nothing. We either win or even I will move to Florida.” His campaign has subsequently declared this was a joke — the Florida part, not the second shot. But there is precedent: Trump decamped there after the state’s voters rejected him and certainly he could fix the ex-governor up with something at Mar-a-Lago. It’d only be fair after everything he’s done for Eric Adams.
And last, but certainly not least, we have the billionaires, starting with former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who used to be a Republican until he decided he wanted to be mayor. Bloomberg, never one to shy from putting his money where his mouth is — he spent over $1 billion on his own four-month presidential campaign in 2020 (he won American Samoa) — dropped $8.3 million on the Cuomo effort. Hedge fund manager Bill Ackman and William Lauder, executive chairman of The Estée Lauder Companies, were in for $500,000. Expedia chairman Barry Diller, Netflix chairman Reed Hastings, and hedge fund manager Daniel Loeb were down for $250,000. Alice Walton, of the Walmart family contributed $100,000. Citadel CEO Ken Griffin was in for $50,000. Ackman, Loeb, and Griffin were 2024 Trump supporters, by the way.
And reinforcements are on the way, with Hamptons polo patrons Kenneth and Maria Fishel of Renaissance Properties lining up new billionaires — in this case for Eric Adams — including grocery (Gristedes and D’Agostino) and real estate mogul John Catsimatidis, himself a former (Republican) candidate for New York City mayor. As Kenneth Fishel told Fortune, “This is about keeping New York vibrant, keeping it free from socialism, and keeping it safe.” At this point, this story might sound like something out of that recent Francis Ford Coppola movie that no one went to see, but it’s what’s actually happening.
(Personal disclosure: As one who was once slightly famous long ago, when elected to the Massachusetts Legislature at 32 as a self-described socialist — said to be the first since the Sacco and Vanzetti era — I am wildly jealous. Reading the news on election night, I was literally moved to tears of joy — I did, by the way, grow up in the South Bronx. And I don’t imagine I’m the only one feeling envious.)
The upshot of all this? This is our race Who’s the we in “our”? Anyone who feels that we the people have to find a way wrest control of the economic future of this country from the likes of Trump, Musk, Bezos, Zuckerberg, all of the above-named billionaires, and the ones we don’t know. Whether it be knocking, calling, texting, posting, giving a buck — even if just that — all of us should give this race at least a bit of our attention. Just think of how sweet it will be to beat that whole crew.
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“Mamdani for NYC Mayor: The Fight We’ve Been Waiting For” First ran in Common Dreams




